中国通论犯罪构成理论体系评判

如果将犯罪构成理论理解为解释法律的理论体系，那么理论体系的设定就应当遵循安全性、可操作性两个价值前提。依据这两个价值前提评价我国通论的四要件犯罪构成理论体系，该理论体系的一次性评价的体系设计，出罪通道的不畅通，导致刑法运行安全方面的保障欠缺；将一个总体的犯罪评价对象即犯罪行为，拆分为四个方面的理论体系思路，难于符合人的一般思维习惯；具有可操作性方面的问题。因此，通论四要件的犯罪构成理论体系不具有选择的合理性。     

论铁路法和《民法通则》的冲突及解决

《铁路法》和《铁路交通事故应急救援和调查处理条例》规定,从2007年9月1日以后,火车撞死违章的行人,铁路部门不承担任何赔偿责任。这种规定既不人道,也不合理,更不合法。我国的《民法通则》和世界各国的法律均规定铁路部门无论有无过错,都要对铁路事故造成的损害承担责任。依照“上位法优于下位法”的原则,《铁路法》和《民法通则》相冲突时,人民法院应当适用《民法通则》的无过错责任原则,判决“行人违章,火车撞了不白撞”,使铁路部门承担起应负的社会责任,以加强对受害人利益的保护,促进社会稳定,从而更有利于我国铁路事业的发展。     

Groups Work for Women: Gender and Group Identity in Social Dilemmas

Behavior in social-dilemma (mixed-motive) situations has been of great interest to economists, psychologists, and negotiation scholars. In this study, we used a threshold social-dilemma game to examine factors that have not yet been investigated and that may have an impact on behavior in these settings: gender and group identity. We found that, for women, interacting with members of a naturally occurring group increased coordination and efficiency, while for men, interacting with members of a naturally occurring group decreased coordination and efficiency. Psychological literature on gender differences and group interdependence explains these differences. We conclude by discussing the implications of these results for gender differences in negotiation behavior.     

论集资诈骗罪死刑的生命空间

我国刑法对集资诈骗罪设置了死刑。本文从报应论和功利论的视角出发,探讨集资诈骗罪死刑的生命空间,认为基于刑罚的正当性要求,不宜对集资诈骗罪保留死刑。     

论债权的刑法保护——欠债不还可以构成犯罪

我国现行法律对欠债不还还没有有效的制裁措施，致使欠债不还的现象越来越严重。为了保护财产的所有权，维护社会秩序，对欠债不还应规定为犯罪。     

关于我国职务犯罪刑事立法的思考

随着我国经济建设的发展,腐败现象迅速孳生。以权钱交易、权力滥用为特征的职务犯罪是腐败的典型表现,其在刑事犯罪中所呈现出的蔓延之势,引起人们广泛的关注。文章在简介职务犯罪概念的基础之上,分析了目前我国职务犯罪的刑事立法存在的缺陷,并探讨了预防与惩治职务犯罪刑事立法的完善。     

关于“裸聊”的法理分析

"裸聊"的出现引发了一系列的社会问题。文章着重从法理的角度对其概念及特征进行了明确的界定,对其性质从公法和私法的角度进行了详细的阐述;并就"裸聊"与其衍生的犯罪以及善良风俗相关问题进行了探讨。     

The Quiet Revolution? The Labour Party and Welfare Conditionality

Labour's 2017 general election manifesto contained a pledge to ‘end the punitive sanctions regime’ in the British welfare state. Whilst the specific implications of this pledge were not elaborated, such a policy would nevertheless constitute a profound break with a welfare consensus spanning over twenty years. The depth of the suggested changes on welfare are also evident in the scale of reform proposed to disability benefits, as well as plans—confirmed in August 2018 by the Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell—to pilot universal basic income. Collectively, these policies would seemingly be deeply at odds with public opinion on the benefits system, which over the course of the last two decades has significantly hardened. Yet despite the seemingly radical and controversial nature of the policy, it received very little media or public attention during the election campaign. This article explores Labour's ‘quiet revolution’ on welfare, examining whether Labour's new welfare approach is indeed a bold attempt to reshape public opinion on welfare or, alternatively, a mostly pragmatic reaction to changing social attitudes. The argument presented is that whilst there are persuasive explanations that Labour is responding to a change in the public mood, there is also evidence of a more ambitious goal at stake: the aim of reshaping, not simply responding to, public opinion on the welfare state.     

Why do “teeth” need “voice”? The case of anti‐corruption agencies in three Australian states

Interactions between horizontal accountability agencies (e.g., anti‐corruption agencies [ACAs]) and social accountability actors (e.g., journalists, civil society activists, and complainants/whistleblowers) are recognized as important to horizontal agencies’ performance, but the reason(s) is not clear. This study therefore explores why horizontal accountability agencies need social accountability actors in performing their functions. The study analyses data from 30 key stakeholders in Australia, including ACAs staff members, social accountability actors, and other observers to report on the specific support roles social actors play to ACAs’ activities and operations. Through the conceptual lens of social accountability, evidence show that social actors play four key types of support roles to ACAs’ activities and operations: activate ACAs’ investigations; “amplify” ACAs’ operations; guard ACAs’ activities and operations; and defend ACAs’ independence and powers. These findings support the need for interactions and, also, affirm the potential for research into how these support roles can better be provided for effective anti‐corruption outcomes. The research is of value to public accountability agencies in Australia, and internationally.     

On prediction in political science

This article discusses recent moves in political science that emphasise predicting future events rather than theoretically explaining past ones or understanding empirical generalisations. Two types of prediction are defined: pragmatic, and scientific. The main aim of political science is explanation, which requires scientific prediction. Scientific prediction does not necessarily entail pragmatic prediction nor does it necessarily refer to the future, though both are desiderata for political science. Pragmatic prediction is not necessarily explanatory, and emphasising pragmatic prediction will lead to disappointment, as it will not always help in understanding how to intervene to change future outcomes, and policy makers are likely to be disappointed by its time-scale.