Turkifying Poverty,or: the Phantom Pain of Izmir’s Lost Christian Working Class, 1924–26

This article shows that ‘Turkification’, a term widely used by historians of modern Turkey to refer to the forced transfer of property from Christian into Muslim hands, ought to be conceptualized not only in the sense of ‘enrichment’ but also, with regard to the working classes, as a process in which Muslim people inherited the poverty of their Christian predecessors. Taking ?zmir as a case in point, the article first describes the plight of the overwhelmingly Christian working class prior to 1922. It then studies reports and editorials that discussed the economic and social situation in ?zmir in the years 1923 to 1926, after the Turkish victory and forced migration of her Christian population. Over the course of these years, ?zmir experienced a serious economic crisis, and bread prices reached levels that led to widespread undernourishment and hunger among the city?s poor. Agricultural production was lagging behind pre-war levels, and positive effects of ‘Turkification? policies were failing to materialize. By analyzing the contemporary journalists? attempts at explaining the crisis, but also pointing out national and transnational factors that they were probably unaware of, the article makes an original contribution to the economic and social history of early republican Turkey.     

The Participation Divide? Political Participation,Trust in Government,and E‐government in Australia and New Zealand

Drawing on 438 telephone interview surveys in Australia and 500 in New Zealand, we find evidence of a 'participation divide' where those participating in politics do so using a range of means, including electronic ones. Those less likely to participate in politics, are less likely to participate across all means measured. Those with higher levels of education and income and of European ethnicity are more likely to participate. We confirm the existence of the so-called 'digital divide' with those that use e-government means and those that do not, being stratified by education, ethnicity, income, gender and age. Contrary to our expectations we find that lower levels of trust in government are associated with higher levels of some types of participation, including e-government ones.     

城市积水考问政府公共服务能力

城市积水处理是城市基础设施建设的一部分,也是政府公共服务的一部分,更是对政府提供公共服务的能力和水平的考问和检验,面对严竣的积水现状,我国政府唯有强化公共服务能力,完善公共服务体系,才是治理之道。     

从冲突走向合作:政府与民众的利益关系解析——以浙江省青田县滩坑移民为例

政府与民众的关系是政治领域的永恒主题。多少王朝的兴替,多少政权的更迭,都与此相关,都由此决定。本文试从利益的视角,民众的心态与诉求,政府的行事与作为,解析市场经济条件下政府与民众的关系,如何从冲突走向合作。     

对高校学生党建工作的一点思考

在新形势下,作为高校党建工作重要组成部分的学生党建工作在取得成绩的同时,也面l临着一些新的变化和情况。针对新时期高校学生党建工作中存在的问题,从开展理想信念教育、入党积极分子培养方式、严把党员入口关、加大预备期考察力度、增强党支部凝聚力、党支部书记加强学习等方面进行了深入地分析,提出完善和规范高校学生党建工作的对策。     

图书馆文化与素质教育

素质教育是通过科学的教育途径,充分发挥人的天赋条件,提高人的各种素质水平,并使其全面、充分、和谐发展的教育。图书馆通过确定人文教育观念,树立人文精神,充分利用馆藏资源,激发读者独立思考和创新能力,以达到提高职工思想政治素质和科学文化素质的目的。     

A health management research on the insured group who participate in medical insurance

Taking the insured group who participate in medical insurance as the main subject, Wendeng city carries out the health management and establishes health files for the insured. Through the free health checkup for the high-risk group, the targeted health interventions are conducted according to the physical examination results of those people, and relative health education has achieved satisfying effects. The health education in different western countries has been carried out for more than 20 years, which accumulates a wealth of experiences. However, health education in China has not yet gained sufficient attentions, and to develop the domestic health education becomes an imperative task at present.     

试论日本据台与闽粤移民之中挫——以《清国人入境台湾条例》为中心

1895年台湾沦为日本的殖民地,海峡两岸关系发生了重大变化,台湾住民被认定为所谓“日本国民”。随着《清国人入境台湾条例》的颁布实施,传统闽粤移民渡台历史进程遭致中挫。日据后迁徙台湾的闽粤民众被称做“华侨”,成为侨居者。此后,台湾社会历史进入以内生性发展为主的新阶段。     

闽台农民经济合作组织对接途径与模式研究

农民经济合作组织对接是两岸农业合作的创新模式,“海峡西岸经济区”的定位给闽台农民经济合作组织的有效对接创造了良好的条件。本文以福建与台湾农民经济合作组织的类型和特点作为研究的基础,分析新形势下拓展闽台农民经济合作组织对接的重要意义与可行性,提出闽台农民经济合作组织对接的可行途径和模式选择。     

马英九“软实力”思想评析

在马英九以大陆为主要对象的“国家安全政策”中,“软实力”是一个十分重要的概念。他企图以政治价值观的漫洇,推动大陆民主化;以文化、教育理念的扩散,输出价值观;以“活路外交”塑造“民主台湾”、“文化台湾”的形象,最终达到对大陆实施“软制约”、“软制衡”的目标。虽然,由于岛内外种种原因的限制,马英九的“软实力”思想尚未对大陆产生明显的影响力,但这一切是在“没有硝烟的战场”上实施的,应引起我们足够的重视。