公共服务市场化的反思

本文应用了不完全契约与交易成本理论,从公共服务市场化的理论假设入手,分析影响公共服务市场化绩效的相关因素,由于外部不利因素存在的可能性,公共服务市场化模式并不必然能提高公共服务的绩效。理论假设是理论模型的前提基础,应对公共服务市场化失灵的策略必须紧紧结合其理论假设来思考。     

试论江泽民对反腐败的理论贡献

江泽民作为党的第三代中央领导集体的核心,在深入分析腐败产生的原因的基础上,提出了反腐败战略方针,强调反腐败要加强对领导干部的监督,要致力于教育。江泽民反腐败理论中所提出的标本兼治、综合治理、惩防并举、权力监督、重在教育等思想,对于当前反腐败斗争的开展仍具有重大的理论借鉴和指导意义。     

高等学校“概论”课开放式教学方式探索——“听、读、评、写、研”教学模式实践及启示

在“毛泽东思想和中国特色社会主义理论体系概论”课程教学中开展“听、说、读、评、研”教学活动,是深化教学改革,培养创新型人才的可行途径之一。在教学中结合课程内容让学生读一些相关的书目,搞一些同学们有兴趣又能参与其中的活动,使同学们在了解历史但又不脱离现实生活的状态下,既掌握了知识又活跃了课堂气氛,提高了同学们的理论素养以及分析问题和解决问题的能力,从而坚定在中国共产党的领导下走中国特色社会主义道路的理想信念。     

我国专家辅助人制度创新的实用主义及立法的模糊立场——基于司法实践的一种理论展开

专家辅助人作为源于司法实践的创新制度,历经了最高人民法院规范性文件的认可以及法律上的确认,逐渐成长为一项正式的诉讼制度。然因司法机关相关答复、解释的误释与误导,不仅理论上难以自洽,而且司法实践中也各行其是,以至于影响了该制度的规范性运行。2012年修改的《刑事诉讼法》和《民事诉讼法》对此的规定又因其模糊的立场再度导致司法实践对其与专家证人关系纠缠不清,应当从理论上澄清立法的模糊立场、摆脱司法实践的非制度化扩张,避免对专家证人的盲目效仿,同时还应厘清专家辅助人的中国模式。     

廉政风险防控机制构建范式及理论基点

廉政风险防控机制是惩治和预防腐败体系的基础,是提升反腐倡廉建设科学化水平的重要途径。实证主义和行为主义范式诠释了腐败行为产生的内在发展规律和外在影响因素,揭示了腐败行为产生于权力运行主体以及权力运行过程中的风险点。人本管理理论、发展生态理论、风险社会理论、风险管理理论等蕴含丰富的廉政风险防控思想,是构建廉政风险防控机制的理论依据。要不断加强廉政风险防控机制的建设,探索以预防为核心、适合中国国情的腐败治理模式,推进风险防控的理论研究,实现理论向实践的转化。     

中国特色社会主义理论体系的特性分析

中国特色社会主义理论作为马克思主义中国化第二次飞跃所产生的一项重要理论成果,是指导我国社会主义现代化建设的行动指南。十一届三中全会到十八大的胜利召开,中国特色社会主义理论体系经历了一个不断发展和创新的过程。具有中国特色的社会主义理论体系本身的特性主要有:鲜明的阶级民族性、紧密的历史连续性、严密的结构整体性、鲜活的现实时代性和灵活的发展创新性。这个体系是坚持中国特色社会主义制度,走中国特色社会主义道路,最终实现中国特色社会主义的行动指南。     

A Review of: “With God on Our Side: George W. Bush and the Rise of the Religious Right”∗

Recent evidence supports the important political role that political network size and distribution plays at both the individual and system levels. However, we argue that the evidence is likely stronger than the current literature suggests due to network size measurement limitations in the extant literature. The most common approach to measuring political network size in sample surveys—the “name generator” approach—normally constrains network size measurement to three to six individuals. Because of this constraint, research often undercounts individual network size and also leads to a misrepresentation of the distribution of the underlying variable. Using multiple data sets and alternative measurement approaches, we reveal that political network hubs—individuals with inordinately large network sizes not captured by name generators—exist and can be identified with a simple summary network measure. We also demonstrate that the summary network size measure reveals the expected differences in communicative, personality, and political variables across network size better than name generator measures. This suggests that not only has prior research failed to identify network hubs, but it has likely underestimated the influence of political network size at the individual level.     

Media-usage patterns and political knowledge of NWU students: The 2009 election

Abstract

One of the central elements in a sustainable democracy is an informed and independent voters’ corps who is knowledgeable regarding democratic values and the policies of different parties, and who participates in democracy. The literature suggests that voters who are more heavy media users are also more politically knowledgeable. It follows that the media have an important informational role in a democracy. Against this background, the media usage patterns, media usage perceptions and political knowledge of the students of the North-West University on the Potchefstroom, Mafikeng and Vaal Triangle campuses were investigated during May 2009. This was done in the form of a quantitative survey that allowed students to report their real perceptions, experiences and knowledge levels. Questionnaires were administered in a self-administered style to avoid interviewer bias and to increase truthful self-reporting. Trained field workers used certain guidelines to ensure that the sample was representative of NWU students. The study found that students on all three campuses had poor levels of political knowledge. It was furthermore established that they were light users of media and did not often engage in political discussions with peers. On all three campuses, for political information television was the preferred medium, followed by radio. Although there were only weak correlations, it would seem that the students who were heavier users of media, were also more politically knowledgeable.     

基于传播学理论模式的高校思想政治教育渠道研究

通过探讨传播学理论中"游戏论"、"议程设置"理论、麦克卢汉的媒介三论、"两级传播理论"与"意见领袖"对于高校思想政治教育渠道改进与创新的启示,着重提出对于高校思想政治教育渠道改进与创新的建议。