Why do only some people who support parties actually join them? Evidence from Britain

What makes people join a political party is one of the most commonly studied questions in research on party members. Nearly all this research, however, is based on talking to people who have actually joined parties. This article simultaneously analyses surveys of members of political parties in Britain and surveys of non-member supporters of those same parties. This uniquely enables us to model the decision to join parties. The results suggest that most of the elements that constitute the influential ‘General Incentives Model’ are significant. But it also reveals that, while party supporters imagine that selective benefits, social norms and opposing rival parties’ policies are key factors in members’ decisions to join a party, those who actually do so are more likely to say they are motivated by attachments to their party’s values, policies and leaders, as well as by an altruistic desire to support democracy more generally.     

Do party supporters accept policy compromises in coalition governments?

Government formation in multi-party systems often requires coalition negotiations and finding common ground among coalition partners. Supporters of parties involved in the government formation process face a trade-off when evaluating such bargaining processes: on the one hand, voters usually prefer seeing their party being in government rather than in opposition; on the other hand, negotiations require coalition compromises that they might dislike. In this paper, we study voters’ willingness to accept policy compromises during government formation processes. We argue that voters’ acceptance of policy compromises depends on both the strength of their party attachment and the importance they assign to the issue at stake during the coalition negotiations. Not giving in on important issues is key, especially for supporters of challenger parties, who hold strong policy preferences on a selected number of issues. To test these expectations, we collected original survey data immediately after the Spanish general election in November 2019. The results show support for the hypothesized effects, shed light on the pressure potential coalition partners face during government formation and help explain the failures of government formation attempts in increasingly polarized societies.     

Who talks about what? Issue strategies across the party hierarchy

We combine the recent literature on issue competition with work on intra-party heterogeneity to advance a novel theoretical argument. Starting from the premise that party leaders and non-leaders have different motivations and incentives, we conjecture that issue strategies should vary across the party hierarchy. We, therefore, expect systematic intra-party differences in the use of riding the wave and issue ownership strategies. We test this claim by linking public opinion data to manually coded information on over 3600 press releases issued by over 500 party actors across five election campaigns in Austria between 2006 and 2019. We account for self-selection into leadership roles by exploiting transitions into and out of leadership status over time. The results show that party leaders are more likely than non-leaders to respond to the public's issue priorities, but not more or less likely to pursue issue-ownership strategies.     

论有独立请求权的第三人制度之完善

有独立请求权的第三人制度,作为我国民事诉讼法的众多制度之一,既具有一系列优点,又存在一些不足和缺陷。本文在重点分析我国有独立请求权的第三人制度所存在的诉讼依据过于狭窄、第三人权利保护不如原告全面、诉讼结构不尽合理等不足与缺陷基础上,有针对性地提出了完善我国有独立请求权的第三人制度的一些建议和措施。     

建设马克思主义学习型政党的历史透视

中国共产党始终注重学习马克思主义理论,并不断将其与中国实际相结合,努力实现马克思主义中国化。党学习马克思主义理论,在党创立后的前30年,着重从思想上建设党,确立了正确的思想和政治路线,实现了马克思主义中国化第一次历史性飞跃,取得了新民主主义革命伟大胜利;在第二个＂30年＂,对适合中国情况的社会主义建设道路进行了艰苦的探索,教训十分深刻;在最近的＂30年＂,党从号召学习马克思主义理论走向建设马克思主义学习型政党,期间现实了马克思主义中国化第二次历史性飞跃,从而取得了中国特色社会主义事业的伟大成就。党建设马克思主义学习型政党的历史给予我们许多重要启示。     

中国工人阶级的世纪奋斗与现实启迪

中国工人阶级是我国先进生产力和生产关系的代表,是中国共产党最坚实最可靠的阶级基础,在历次革命、建设、改革和发展变革中,做出了巨大历史贡献。新形势下,要始终保持工人阶级的先进性,高度重视巩固党的阶级基础,充分发挥工人阶级主力军作用,切实加强和改进工会工作,实践时代所赋予的光荣使命。     

论党性教育课程实施的创生取向

课程实施创生取向就是在教育情境中,教师与学生根据自己的实际情况与需要,在已有知识、经验、能力、技能、智慧的基础上整合既有的课程变革计划,联合发明、建造、创造并自然生成新的教育经验的过程。坚持党性教育课程实施的创生取向,通过深化规律性认识、强化实践理念以及拓宽培训思路,充分调动起学员的积极性和主动性,提高党性教育的效果。     

党的第三代中央领导集体对邓小平教育思想的继承和发展

邓小平教育思想博大精深 ,内容丰富 ,以江泽民为核心的第三代领导集体在继承其合理内核的基础上 ,根据条件变化进行了新的发展 :在邓小平的教育要优先发展的思想基础上 ,明确提出了科教兴国战略 ;在邓小平的“三个面向”指导思想下 ,强调进一步深化教育改革 ,全面推进素质教育 ;同时 ,还十分重视终身教育和远程教育     

刍议加强党校培训制度建设

党校培训制度是否健全完善,直接关系着党校的培训质量,最终关系党和国家事业的兴衰成败.必须从关系党和国家生死存亡的高度充分认识加强党校培训制度建设的重要性和紧迫性,并找出加强党校培训制度建设的重要途径.应从创新党校培训内容、丰富党校培训形式、加强党校培训的考核和监督制度建设等方面入手.     

科学发展观、宪政思维与党的执政能力建设

科学发展观是新时期我国经济社会发展的重要指导方针,深入贯彻落实科学发展观,要求我们切实加强和改进党的执政能力建设。新时期,党的执政能力建设要求我们树立宪政思维,学会运用宪政思维执政。宪政思维是契合科学发展观＂以人为本＂,全面、协调、可持续的本质与要求的思维。运用宪政思维执政,有利于党的执政能力建设。