婚姻法司法解释（三）的法理价值

2011年8月,最高人民法院公布了《关于适用〈中华人民共和国婚姻法〉若干问题的解释（三）》,该法一公布,激活了人们的法律思维,打破了人们某些固有的家庭生活规则,挑战了传统的婚姻观。呈现了许多新的亮点：规定了结婚瑕疵的救济途径;厘清了发展中的婚姻家庭关系的权利和义务;家庭财产制有了新的意蕴;明示了生育权女性做主的原则。体现了婚姻法的法理性、现实的针对性、改革开放的时代性和社会发展的前瞻性,它的发布有着深厚的理论意义和实践意义。     

我国党文化世俗化的理论建构

我国党文化世俗化是党文化揭开其神秘面纱,日益走向公民社会、世俗社会之中的过程,其在主体构成上通常包括党的思想文化、政治文化、组织文化、领导文化、执政文化的世俗化等基本内容。推进我国党文化世俗化有助于巩固党的领导地位、检验党文化的优劣性、完整展示党的性质、宗旨和任务。为推进党文化世俗化,在策略路向上要坚持做到:着力推进中国化、时代化的马克思主义之大众化进程,将党文化融合到建构完善实践社会主义核心价值体系之中,发挥党文化对社会文化的影响示范效应,以建设学习型政党,促进学习型社会建设。     

列宁保持与群众血肉联系的思想及在中国的借鉴和发展

列宁在领导俄共（布）执政的过程中，充分认识到保持与群众血肉联系的重要，他认为执政党保持与人民群众的血肉联系，是由党的性质任务决定的；是巩固新生政权的需要；是顺利建设社会主义的需要。并且他就如何保持与群众的血肉联系提出一系列思想，他强调要从群众需求的角度出发制定方针政策；执政党要真正深入群众，关心群众生活；给人民广泛的知情权，并充分发挥群众的监督作用。他的这方面思想在中国得以继承和发展。     

20世纪80年代“第三梯队建设”战略决策的历史考察

1980年代初，中共中央从保持党的执政地位、国家的长期稳定及加快社会主义现代化建设出发，作出关于第三梯队建设的战略决策。这一过渡性人才选拔培养战略，至80年代末随着其使命的完成而退出历史舞台。尽管它存在的时间不长，但其产生的影响却极为深远。     

挑战民事主体二元结构的帝王之位

民事主体制度的历史演变在形式上主要经历了由家族到个人再到自然人与法人并存的发展过程.随着社会的发展变化,出现了许多新的市场主体.民事主体的传统判断标准也受到新标准的冲击.民事主体二元结构将面临前所未有的挑战.包括合伙在内的第三类民事主体的形成与发展适应了现实生活的需要,民法典应赋予其民事主体地位.     

新一轮服务贸易谈判若干问题

服务贸易的市场准入及进一步的规则完善是世界贸易组织多哈回合谈判中的重要议题。GATS 规则谈判中的焦点问题包括国内监管纪律、紧急保障措施、服务的政府采购及补贴等。根据香港“部长会议宣言”及附件 C,新一轮服务谈判的发展将表现在谈判目标、方法、时限及关注发展中国家利益等各个方面。我国应积极参与这些谈判,在具体承诺和规则制定方面维护自己的利益。     

我国无独立请求权第三人制度的改革与完善

我国无独立请求权第三人制度具体改革方案的设计以及相关配套措施的推进,应是引进大陆法系的从参加制度时,保障从参加人的诉讼权利,同时赋予从参加人一次性纠纷解决的选择权;而引进美国的第三方被告制度时,则需要为第三人提供更有力的保护措施。此外,还应增设交互诉讼制度,重新界定第三人的范围,将可以作为本诉共同被告的人从第三人中分离出去。     

论党内法规制度建设的理论基础问题

从“推进党的制度建设科学化”到“加快党内法规制度体系建设”,体现了我国政党治理法治化的发展趋势。法律的政治化与政治的法治化是近代以来世界民主法治建设的基本发展特点,党内法规制度建设应当以法治与政治的统一性原理建构其理论基础。要以政治性引领党内法规制度体系建设,确保其规范内容上体现先进性、规范目的上聚焦领导力、规范渊源上关照实践面。同时,更要以法治性补强以往党的制度建设的短板,运用法治思维和法治方式加快党内法规制度体系建设,增强其概念的可通用性、体系的可衔接性、执行的可协同性。     

Partisan effects in morality policy making

Current comparative policy research gives no clear answer to the question of whether partisan politics in general or the partisan composition of governments in particular matter for different morality policy outputs across countries and over time. This article addresses this desideratum by employing a new encompassing dataset that captures the regulatory permissiveness in six morality policies that are homosexuality, same‐sex partnership, prostitution, pornography, abortion and euthanasia in 16 European countries over five decades from 1960 to 2010. Given the prevalent scepticism about a role for political parties for morality policies in existing research, this is a ‘hard’ test case for the ‘parties do matter’ argument. Starting from the basic theoretical assumption that different party families, if represented in national governments to varying degrees, ought to leave differing imprints on morality policy making, this research demonstrates that parties matter when accounting for the variation in morality policy outputs. This general statement needs to be qualified in three important ways. First, the nature of morality policy implies that party positions or preferences cannot be fully understood by merely focusing on one single cleavage alone. Instead, morality policy is located at the interface of different cleavages, including not only left‐right and secular‐religious dimensions, but also the conflicts between materialism and postmaterialism, green‐alternative‐libertarian and traditional‐authoritarian‐nationalist (GAL‐TAN) parties, and integration and demarcation. Second, it is argued in this article that the relevance of different cleavages for morality issues varies over time. Third, partisan effects can be found only if individual cabinets, rather than country‐years, are used as the unit of analysis in the research design. In particular, party families that tend to prioritise individual freedom over collective interests (i.e., left and liberal parties) are associated with significantly more liberal morality policies than party families that stress societal values and order (i.e., conservative/right and religious parties). While the latter are unlikely to overturn previous moves towards permissiveness, these results suggest that they might preserve the status quo at least. Curiously, no systematic effects of green parties are found, which may be because they have been represented in European governments at later periods when morality policy outputs were already quite permissive.     

Electoral infidelity: Why party members cast defecting votes

Party politics and electoral research generally assume that party members are loyal voters. This article first assesses the empirical basis for this assumption before providing individual‐level explanations for defection. It combines prominent theories from party politics and electoral behaviour research and argues that internal disagreement and external pressure can each bring about disloyal voting. The hypotheses are motivated with multi‐country European survey data and tested on two sets of party‐level national surveys. The results show, first, that, on average, 8 per cent of European party members cast a defecting vote in the last election, and second, that dissatisfaction with the leadership is the strongest predictor of defection. Additionally, internal ideological disagreement is associated with higher probabilities of defection, whereas the effects of pull factors in the form of contentious policies are rather limited. These findings emphasise the importance of testing scientific assumptions and the potential significance of party leadership contests.