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241.
沈锦浩 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2020,34(6):63-71
与传统行业相比,互联网平台用工中的劳动控制发生了新变化。以外卖行业为例,平台对劳动者的控制主要通过两种途径实施:嵌套激励体系构成的制度控制和闭环监控体系构成的技术控制。由工资、奖励及各种前提条件组成的复杂多变的劳动报酬体系,让骑手们在追求不确定增长收入的同时成为忠诚有效的劳动力。由平台、代理商和消费者依托人脸识别系统、卫星定位系统、顺客评分系统和KPI考核机制共同打造的四重监控体系,实现了对骑手劳动过程的全方位控制。研究建议,在推动平台经济发展的同时,必须正确处理资本和劳动之间的利益关系,有力保障劳动者权益,深刻反思劳动的价值。 相似文献
242.
Drawing on data from a unique study of the 1992 American presidential election, this article demonstrates that personal discussion networks influence voting behavior, independent of candidate evaluations and partisanship. These social networks encouraged two different kinds of defections from otherwise-expected behavior. People were more likely to vote for Perot if their personal discussants supported him and to convert preferences for him into a Perot vote on election day. Partisans also were more likely to defect to the other major party if their discussion network failed to fully support the candidate of their own party. These results withstood controls for candidate evaluations and partisanship as well as for selective exposure to discussants and selective perception of their preferences. They show the importance of adding social context to personal attitudes, interests, and partisanship in explaining voting behavior. 相似文献
243.
胡娟 《北京政法职业学院学报》2016,(2):111-113
第三方支付机构依托各电商和社交平台,提供比商业银行更低的交易成本、更高的交易效率,并凭借着极强的金融创新能力,满足了中小商户和个人客户的需求。这些导致网上银行的部分客户流失、银行的中间业务收益减少,商业银行和第三方支付的关系变为竞争关系。然而,电子商务的快速发展,又使得双方在沉淀资金、信用信息和安全领域存在着巨大的合作空间,共同促进全行业健康持续发展。 相似文献
244.
刘夏青 《西南政法大学学报》2021,(2):137-152
互联网平台企业中多元化的用工方式和灵活自主的用工制度强力冲击着传统劳动关系的边界,其便利的监管手段和大数据分析功能在某种程度上进一步加剧企业与劳动者地位不对等的程度,致使企业与劳动者关系不和谐、平台劳动者的身份难以明晰、劳动者的合法权益也未能得到有效的保护。目前司法实践、管理学界在保护平台劳动者的合法劳动权益、互联网平台企业与平台劳动者的关系类型及互联网平台企业的用工策略选择等问题上均未有定论。本文通过文献梳理总结出互联网平台企业和平台劳动者之间存在的劳动关系和劳务合作关系,并从合同法角度加以佐证。在此基础上构建企业与劳动者博弈收益分析模型,以及二者在劳动、劳务合作关系下的演化博弈模型和政府介入的有限博弈模型,发现互联网平台企业与平台劳动者的具体收益取决于双方的关系类型和相关参数的变化。 相似文献
245.
刘涛涛 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2010,22(1):114-118
在经济、社会迅猛发展的新时期,我国公安工作在四有模式的运作下,不断暴露出一些缺陷和弊端,产生了不少新的矛盾与问题:因此,加快我国的警务改革实有必要,同时,对我国构建社会主又和谐社会也有着重大影响。应在执法理念的基础上,对“110”报警服务台、警务巡逻和“文职警察”三个方面展开研究,将“110”报警服务台定位于社会求助信息平台,警务巡逻实现内在、动态的有机统一,并发展“文职警察”。上述三个方面互有联系而又相得益彰。值得大力研究、探索和实践。 相似文献
246.
Jeffrey Pugh 《Negotiation Journal》2009,25(1):83-105
During more than a decade of violent conflict (1980–1992) involving the military, rebel forces, and paramilitary "death squads," El Salvador suffered some 75,000 casualties, mostly civilians. After three years of negotiations, the government and the largest rebel group signed a historic comprehensive peace accord that brought an end to the war and instituted wide-reaching political and social reforms. This agreement, and the peace process that produced it, has been widely hailed as a successful example of a negotiated end to civil war. In order to understand the conditions that led to the 1992 Chapultepec Peace Accords ending the war, this article tests ripeness theory in the context of the Salvadoran peace process.
This article affirms the validity of theories of ripeness and the mutually hurting stalemate as structural explanations for the initiation of dialogue and notes the role of "indicators of ripeness" in forcing the parties to recognize a hurting stalemate that may already exist. It also proposes several hypothesized explanations for the effectiveness of the Salvadoran negotiations themselves. These explanations include the presence of strong, empowered policy entrepreneurs on both sides with the political will and capability to make credible commitments; the combination of internal and external pressure for a negotiated solution that raised the cost of defection; and the active involvement, based on consent of both parties, of a neutral, empowered, and credible mediator who provided both technical assistance and vigilance to move the process forward. After analyzing the Salvadoran case through this theoretical lens, the article applies the same concepts to contemporary conflict cases such as Iraq and Colombia, discussing how the lessons learned in El Salvador do and do not provide instructive guidance for managing civil conflicts today. 相似文献
This article affirms the validity of theories of ripeness and the mutually hurting stalemate as structural explanations for the initiation of dialogue and notes the role of "indicators of ripeness" in forcing the parties to recognize a hurting stalemate that may already exist. It also proposes several hypothesized explanations for the effectiveness of the Salvadoran negotiations themselves. These explanations include the presence of strong, empowered policy entrepreneurs on both sides with the political will and capability to make credible commitments; the combination of internal and external pressure for a negotiated solution that raised the cost of defection; and the active involvement, based on consent of both parties, of a neutral, empowered, and credible mediator who provided both technical assistance and vigilance to move the process forward. After analyzing the Salvadoran case through this theoretical lens, the article applies the same concepts to contemporary conflict cases such as Iraq and Colombia, discussing how the lessons learned in El Salvador do and do not provide instructive guidance for managing civil conflicts today. 相似文献
247.
KONG Xiangjun 《Frontiers of Law in China》2022,17(3):352
The positioning of anti-monopoly law depends on its unique value, goal and function. From the beginning, anti-monopoly law has had a great political and economic mission, and can become a “super law” with a grand value goal and a powerful function in economic adjustment. The uniqueness of the Internet, in capital, technology and business models, easily allows Internet platforms to grow anarchically, and to have a high correlation with anti-monopoly concerns. Internet anti-monopoly policy should first expand its thinking and elevate its stance in macro value, and seek appropriate legal and economic technical paths. China’s Internet platform anti-monopoly policy cannot simply follow today’s international and superficial trend, which does not contribute to positive experience and may conceal various interests. Instead, China’s Internet platform anti-monopoly policy should actively follow, respect and serve the substantial development interests of China’s digital economy, operating in a timely fashion and at the right location, in ways that are opportune, moderate and modest. It should always be committed to the innovation and development of China’s Internet industry and to international competitiveness. Internet anti-monopoly policy should adhere to the rule of law, build a corresponding rule system, ensure objectivity, neutrality and rationality, and prevent irrationality and over-excitement. 相似文献
248.
对等储备即贸易双方都分别储备对方货币,对等支付即贸易双方对于每一笔交易均采用两国货币支付.从理论上说,以对等储备与对等支付原则进行国际贸易,不仅可以化解货币竞相贬值的冲动,还能自动制约国际贸易拉开距离的态势,实现两国贸易的自动均衡,使贸易顺逆差之争消于无形.对等储备与对等支付原则的确立会对国际国内贸易法制产生深远影响,并且从法律制度层面消解了国际贸易差额、汇率竞争性贬值引起的争端. 相似文献
249.
于凤霞 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2021,35(5):27-35
基于网络平台的新就业形态在创造大量新工作岗位和机会的同时,也给劳动者权益保护带来了新的问题和挑战.综观近年来我国各级各类政府部门出台的与规范平台企业用工行为相关的政策可以看出,我国在健全制度、补齐平台经济劳动者权益保障短板方面已进入"快车道",完善平台企业用工和劳动保障制度已成为我国引导和规范平台经济健康发展的重要抓手... 相似文献
250.
对船员工资优先权几个问题的再思考 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
不适格船员之工资请求权是否受船舶优先权担保,视对船员资质要求是否知情而定,应由船东负举证责任。在劳务派遣的情况下,船员向劳务公司主张工资时,不享有船舶优先权利益,但可依《中华人民共和国劳动合同法》直接向船东主张应得报酬及船舶优先权利益。以下两种情况,劳务公司对船东的债权都应受船舶优先权担保:一是劳务公司已按约支付其应为船员提供的相关报酬,却被船东拖欠租金;二是劳务公司代船东垫付应由后者支付的船员报酬。前者通过法律修改而实现,后者乃船舶优先权的转让。就船员工资优先权的行使而言,应尽可能免除船员申请扣船的担保;拍卖船舶的费用由法院垫付;满足条件的情况下应裁定准许对船员工资请求先予执行。 相似文献