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81.
This article analyses the Liberal Democrat general election campaign of 2005, with special attention to developments in the party between 2001 and 2005. It argues that there was significant change in policy during that period, towards an agenda emphasising decentralisation and 'tough liberalism'. However, this did not significantly alter the party's overall message from that of 2001, which remained focused on policies such as scrapping university tuition fees. Meanwhile, there was great continuity in campaign strategy and tactics, particularly because of the influence of the party's Chief Executive, Lord Rennard. Tactical innovations in 2005 stemmed from the party's success at fundraising, rather than any decision that new methods of campaigning were necessary. The article concludes with a critical assessment of the campaign, and examines the issues which are likely to arise in forthcoming debates on Liberal Democrat strategy, policy and leadership.  相似文献   
82.
Bridget Welsh 《圆桌》2016,105(2):119-128
Abstract

This article looks at the reasons the People’s Action Party (PAP) secured its decisive victory in the 2015 general election. The discussion examines the impact of the campaign and pre-election period on voting behaviour. While the opposition’s performance before and during the campaign reactivated its core supporters, the PAP’s control of the political narrative, rejuvenation of its grassroots machinery and effective use of resources provided an advantage that was instrumental in their electoral success. Most Singaporeans had decided how they would vote before the campaign began. Despite perceptions that the election was about the economy and the nationalist rhetoric associated with Singapore’s 50th anniversary and the passing of statesman Lee Kuan Yew, the argument in the paper suggests that the 2015 election provides insights into the breadth of clientelist politics in Singapore and how important state patronage and the control of the state are for holding on to political power in the city-state.  相似文献   
83.
The Labour Together review of the 2019 election brings together polling data, survey data, interviews, and submissions from across the Labour movement. An unpopular leader, tensions around the Brexit position, and a manifesto which was not seen as credible, are all found to have contributed to the scale of the defeat, but Labour’s unexpectedly strong performance in 2017 also masked long-term issues in its connection with the electorate and within the party’s campaign organisation. The report attempts to move beyond simply diagnosing the difficulties the party faces, but some of the thorniest issues for the party to resolve are nonetheless left unresolved.  相似文献   
84.
杨勇  章征科 《桂海论丛》2011,27(5):35-39
孙中山从辛亥革命和两次护法运动的失败以及五四运动和十月革命的胜利中逐渐地认识到:帝国主义和封建军阀是中国革命的真正敌人,工农革命力量才是中国革命的主要动力。因此,孙中山实现了工农观的转变:从轻视脱离工农到重视依靠工农。这一转变进而推动了中国革命向前迈进了一大步。但孙中山工农观的转变是不彻底的,具有时代和阶级的局限性。  相似文献   
85.
为进一步构建警民和谐关系,公安部于年初部署了"开门评警"活动。"开门评警"活动是在"大走访"基础上的深化,是把群众对公安工作的满意度、对民警工作的满意度的评判权真实地交给群众,将群众评价作为公安工作和民警考核的重要指标。"开门评警"活动的特征突出表现在三个方面:民警走访由形式主动变为实质主动、群众监督具体化、群众路线观念在基层民警中得到认同和加强。活动的开展促使民警群众工作能力得到提高,进一步夯实了社区警务工作。为保证"开门评警"的实效性、长效性,还有待将其制度化。  相似文献   
86.
The Irish referendum on the Lisbon Treaty follows a pattern of class-voting also seen in the 2005 referendums on the European Constitution. However, the poll differed in other respects. Polling in the wake of the vote suggested that the main reason given for voting no was a lack of knowledge about the treaty (22 per cent of no voters holding that view). A further 40 per cent of the voters voted no because they claimed not to understand the Treaty. This is in contrast to referendums in 2005 in Spain and the Netherlands where, respectively 70 and 51 per cent, of those with a self confessed 'very limited ' knowledge of the Constitution voted yes.  相似文献   
87.
宽严相济刑事政策是继惩办与宽大相结合、“严打”刑事政策后的新发展,其核心是区别对待,当宽则宽,该严则严,宽严互补。在刑事检察工作中贯彻落实宽严相济的刑事政策具有重大的现实意义,目前重点要强调“宽”的一面。要通过树立宽严相济的执法理念,扩大相对不起诉的适用范围,建立繁简分流的办案机制,正确运用批准逮捕权和刑事和解制度等来实现“宽”的一面。通过区别犯罪种类和情形,依法从重从严打击严重刑事犯罪,从而实现“严”的一面。  相似文献   
88.
Abstract

Political scientists and campaign professionals have been intrigued by the potential of the Internet as a tool for accessing and conveying political information since the mass marketing of the first Web browser in 1993. Optimists have pointed to the possibility for more expansive participation and more substantive, in-depth issue discussions. Pessimists have countered that universal access to the Internet is still years down the road, pointing out there is little reason to believe campaigns will use the Internet either to spice up or to elevate the national political conversation. Such long-term assessments are premature, but we can offer preliminary assessments of how candidates conceptualize and use the Internet. Relying on surveys of online registered voters and interviews with campaign operatives and Webmasters, I examine how the online electorate was perceived and approached by the Bush and Gore campaigns in 2000.1 find that (1) voters were unlikely to seek political information from candidate or party Web sites, (2) voters were skeptical of information presented on these sites, and (3) the campaigns understood this and therefore saw the Internet primarily as a vehicle for internal communication and grassroots activation.  相似文献   
89.
曾洪 《政法学刊》2014,(4):97-100
在反恐怖行动中,为最大限度发挥法律战的功效,达到师出有名不战而屈人之兵的目的,需要灵活运用法律战战法。本文从先声夺人,主动出击,占领法理道义的制高点;瞄准要害,针锋相对,增强法律打击的影响力;因势利导,有效防范,提高法律防护的针对性等三个方面,对反恐怖行动中如何有效运用法律战进行了探讨。  相似文献   
90.
Abstract

Parties may rely on different issue agendas when tailoring their electoral campaigns in an attempt to win elections. This paper compares two key party issue strategies to examine which one the victorious Austrian Peoples’ Party (ÖVP) relied on the most during the 2017 Austrian election campaign vis-à-vis its main competitors. These two key party strategies are the ‘riding-the-wave’ model, which posits that parties focus on issues that currently concern voters the most and the recent ‘issue-yield model’, which instead suggests that parties adopt strategic behaviour targeting all those issues with genuine opportunities for electoral expansion. It is found that, compared to the other main parties in the 2017 Austrian election campaign, the ÖVP was the one most clearly relying on the issue-yield approach. These results have important implications for our understanding of electoral campaigns, party’s exploitation of issue strategies, and voter representation beyond the Austrian case.  相似文献   
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