公民权与公民社会

根据马克思关于社会成员具有公民与私人的双重身份和公权利与私权利的双重权利的理论,可以将民间社会理解为具有私人社会与公民社会双重属性的存在。公民社会是同政治国家相对应的政治社会,是组织化的政治存在,区别于分散的自然人社会的经济存在或民事主体存在。非政府组织是公民社会的核心力量。公民社会的特性和作用是让各个社会阶层有其组织和表达民意的渠道来参与国家政治,影响国家的决策。     

论中国古代城市规划建设法

文章从中国古代城市规划建设法的历史发展入手,归纳出它们发展的三个阶段,进而从城市建筑工程质量、城市总体规划、城市住宅、城市道路、城市绿化、城市供排水、城市防火七个方面探求中国古代城市规划建设相应法律规定的具体内容,最后揭示中国古代城市规划建设法的特点及其借鉴意义.     

警察出庭作证问题研究综述

警察出庭作证是刑事诉讼改革中的重要问题。构建适合我国国情的警察出庭作证制度,首先应明确其理论依据,了解两大法系国家的有关制度及实践,继而找出阻碍该制度在我国确立的因素,最后分别从确立警察的证人资格、作证范围、构建启动程序及制约机制等方面着手改革。     

论董事对公司债权人负责的法理正当性——从法人组织体说的局限性及其超越之路径展开

董事为什么对公司的债权人承担民事责任是一项必须在法人本质论学说下进行学术探索的工作,而当下的法人组织体说无法为该论题提供正当性依据。在区分作为制度分析与建构支架的理论逻辑基础的法人本质与作为本体论意义上的法人本质这个前提下,董事对公司债权人负责的命题不能从其他法人本质论的学说获取立论根据,只能算作法律的特殊规定。为了阐明该特殊规定的法理正当性,有必要超越法人组织体说的局限性,探求法人本质论层面之外的论证根据。从经济分析的方法来看,该特殊规定表现了帕累托改进效应,其说服力因之得以增强,可作为董事对公司债权人负责的法理正当性来源。     

法理考量：区域经济发展的法治起点

区域经济发展是当下中国重要的理论和实践课题,法学上对之关注较少。从法理学角度为区域经济发展提供理论指引,以法理考量作为区域经济发展的法治起点,分析区域经济发展应当重视的基础性问题,有助于引导区域经济发展法律规制,促进区域经济发展法治化,使区域经济发展成果得以共享。     

多元合作治理视角下的西部新农村建设——基于西部八省(市)的调查研究

在西部农村实现"管理民主",有赖于一个良好的治理模式。通过西部八省(市)长达一年时间的新农村治理调查研究,发现治理模式的核心是农村基层政府与农村自治组织、农村非政府组织及村民的关系协调。针对当前西部农村治理现状,建议构建多元合作治理模式,提高基层政府公共治理能力,积极培育农村非政府组织,以提高农村基层干部和农民的综合素质,建立多元治理主体互动合作机制。     

警察应否出庭作证问题的探讨

民警出庭作证可以确立法院“最终裁判”的地位,抑制屡禁不止的非法取证行为,有助于提高诉讼效率,对于保障人权、维护司法公正、提高司法效率有着积极的现实意义。     

Agriculture in Shifting Climates: The Configuration and Ripeness of Problem Understandings in Uganda and Senegal

The international community has advocated the adoption of climate‐smart agriculture (CSA) as lower‐income countries deal with the negative consequences of climate change. Scaling up such policies, practices, and programs successfully will require support from a variety of local stakeholders. Such support requires alignment between CSA solutions and the problem understandings of stakeholders. However, problem understandings can differ across individuals, stakeholder groups, and geographic areas. Consequently, we examine understandings of climate problems and socioeconomic and infrastructure problems related to agriculture among different stakeholder groups in Uganda and Senegal. We operationalized and measured these problem understandings following the detailed guidance of the political will and public will approach for analyzing social change. Semistructured interviews elicited stakeholder‐generated lists of problems for each group. Limited quantification of problem understandings and their relative importance or “ripeness” demonstrates how contexts might shape opportunities for CSA.     

English as an equalizer between Arab and Jewish students in Israel

This paper describes an educational intervention program between 12 Arab and 12 Jewish students who were studying to become teachers of English as a Foreign Language (EFL) in Israel. The study reports on the ways in which the program impacted the participants, and focuses on the role of English, the Lingua Franca and language of communication, in creating neutral grounds for mutual understanding and contact. The outcomes show that English played a crucial part in facilitating open, pluralistic dialog and intercultural communication in intergroup contact. English acted as a bridge between Jewish and Arab students, in the current Israeli conflictual situation, to enhance communication across boundaries. Findings further indicate that while the participants were aware of the cultural, social, and religious differences between them, they recognized the similarities that brought them together and chose to focus on them as the basis for collaboration. The study suggests implications for teacher education and for continued political activism and community involvement toward peace education among future teachers in Israel.     

Regional power South Africa: Co-operative hegemony constrained by historical legacy

This article argues that regional powers can be distinguished by four pivotal criteria: claim to leadership, power resources, employment of foreign policy instruments, and acceptance of leadership. Applying these criteria to the South African case, the crucial significance of institutional foreign policy instruments for the power over policy outcomes at the regional and global level is demonstrated. But although Pretoria is ready to pay the costs of co-operative hegemony (capacity building for regional institutions and peacekeeping for instance), the regional acceptance of South African leadership is constrained by its historical legacy. Additionally Pretoria's foreign policy is based on ideational resources such as its reputation as an advocate of democracy and human rights and its paradigmatic behaviour as a ‘good global citizen’ with the according legitimacy. The Mbeki presidency was more successful in converting these resources into discursive instruments of interest-assertion in global, than in regional bargains. In effect the regional power's reformist south-oriented multilateralism is challenging some of the guiding principles of the current international system.