论我国仲裁机构的法律属性及其改革方向

仲裁机构法律属性的确定关涉到仲裁机构治理、改革方向选择与中国仲裁制度优化。由于立法未明确仲裁机构法律属性,受政府牵头组建的模式与现行体制限制,仲裁机构继被归类于事业单位后,又被其分类改革裹挟而无所适从,整体"行政化"色彩严重。历史原因与当前深化政府机构改革的压力叠加,使得仲裁机构面临被"违法改革"的危机。仲裁私法自治的本性决定了仲裁机构的非官方性和独立性,制度竞争促使仲裁机构走向公益性和非营利性。我国仲裁机构改革应当彻底去行政化,确定公益性非营利法人定位,优化治理结构。仲裁应主要通过行业协会进行自治自律,政府监管需依法适度。融入国际竞争、完善仲裁法治、加强人才培养是未来仲裁发展之关键。     

Electoral Reform and Parliamentary Debates

The early twentieth century saw many democracies adopt proportional representative systems. The textbook explanation, pioneered by Rokkan, emphasize between‐party electoral competition; the rise of the Socialist vote share made Bourgeois parties prefer PR systems to maximize their seat share. While appealing, this account is not entirely compelling. Consequently, scholars are investigating within‐party explanations of support for such reforms. Particularly, Cox, Fiva, and Smith show how list PR enable party leaders to discipline members and build cohesive parties. Relying on roll‐call votes across the Norwegian 1919 electoral reform from two‐round single‐member plurality to closed‐list PR, they show that the internal party cohesion increased following the reform. We investigate how the Norwegian electoral reform changed the content of parliamentary speeches. Comparing speeches from MPs present both before and after the reform, we show how parties become more cohesive in parliamentary debates under list PR than they were under the single‐member‐district system.     

Sentencing data-driven cybercrime. How data crime with cascading effects is tackled by UK courts

This paper contributes to research seeking to understand if and how legislation can effectively counter cybercrimes that compromise personal data. These ‘data crimes’, which are the ‘dark side’ of big data and the data economy enabled by cloud computing, display cascading effects, in that they empower disparate criminals to commit further crimes and victimise a broad range of individuals or data subjects. The paper addresses the under-researched area of sentencing, which, as the last step of the judicial process, plays a crucial role in how the law is interpreted and implemented.This paper investigates courts’ approach to the evolving technological environment of cybercrime captured by data crime and the cascade effect and whether the cascade effect can assist courts in dealing with data-driven cybercrime. The paper examines original data collected from UK courts, namely 17 sentencing remarks relating to cybercrime court cases decided in England & Wales between 2012 and 2019. The analysis shows that courts appreciate the impact of data crime and their cascading effects, but that the complexity of the offences is lost at sentencing, arguably due to the negative impact of systemic factors, such as technology neutral law and the lack of legal authorities.After examining such systemic factors, the paper suggests how the cascade effect could aid sentencing by adding specificity and context to data crime. The paper ends with avenues for further research relating to debates on fair cybercrime sentencing and open justice.     

不能犯新论

传统观点将不能犯仅看作是犯罪未遂的一种类型 ,所有的不能犯均构成犯罪 ,这种认识是片面的。不能犯实际上可分为两类 :一类是构成犯罪的可罚的不能犯 ,即不能犯未遂 ;另一类是不成立犯罪的不可罚的不能犯。文章进而就中外刑法理论有关不能犯性质的观点进行了比较 ,并对如何区分不能犯未遂与不可罚之不能犯提出了自己的看法     

论全面人才观与整体人才开发机制

人才是指各方面的高层次人员。人才包括管理型人才、研究型人才、技术型人才和操作型人才。人才是最重要的战略资源,是国际竞争的焦点。人才开发胜于人才管理。人才开发机制包括社会舆论机制、人才发现机制、人才培养机制、人才监督机制和人才淘汰机制。     

驳毛泽东主张“无支配自由”说

毛泽东从未主张过"无支配自由",从未追求过"无支配自由"。说毛泽东主张"无支配自由"并为之奋斗终身,说毛泽东思想与事业的基本主题是"无支配自由",说毛泽东领导中国人民的动力和路标是"无支配自由",说毛泽东"根据无支配自由的根本要求"进行人民民主的"整体构想和具体构建",这是对毛泽东,对毛泽东思想与事业,对马克思主义中国化理论、马克思主义中国化道路的极度歪曲、莫大污蔑。打着毛泽东的旗号鼓吹西方的"无支配自由"论,是极其有害的。     

国家如何塑造乡村精英?——关于乡村精英变迁中的国家角色述评

围绕"村民自治制度实行以来,国家如何塑造乡村精英"这一核心问题,本文对相关研究领域的文献进行了梳理。本文将国家对乡村精英的塑造区分为两个层次:一是作为"整体的国家"以宏观政策方式塑造乡村精英。其中,意识形态话语的变迁使乡村精英由"政治型精英"转变为"经济型精英",基层制度设计的变迁使乡村精英由"单一政治型精英"转变为"多元化精英",资源性政策的变迁则使得"新代理人"登上村庄政治舞台。二是基层政府作为与乡村精英直接互动的行动者塑造乡村精英。其中,压力型科层制使基层政府根据中心工作的性质来塑造乡村精英,使乡村精英经历了税费时期的"灰黑化"、税费改革后前几年的"老好人化",以及资源下放时期的"新代理人化";乡村关系则使得基层政府根据与乡村社会的博弈来塑造乡村精英:强乡弱村的乡村关系使乡村精英由"兼业化"走向"职业化",强村弱乡的乡村关系使得乡村精英主要由"有声望的村民"来担任。