对少数民族地区刑事政策的法制化刍议

“少捕、少杀 ,量刑时一般从宽”是具有中国特色的刑事政策之一 ,在当前及今后相当长的一段时期都具有其存在的基础 ,但政策的局限性使其作用没有得到全面的发挥。本文着重分析了其利弊与实现的途径。     

新世纪如何提高党的领导水平与执政水平

实现党的领导,是党的建设理论中的一个根本问题,是党的建设的出发点和落脚点.党成立80年来的实践经验证明,提高党的领导水平和执政水平是党的建设的历史性课题之一;提高决策水平是提高党的领导水平与执政水平的重要前提;"两手抓,两手都要硬"是提高党的领导水平与执政水平的重要内容.     

认真实施人才工程构筑跨越式发展的支撑和保障

跨越式发展是综合因素作用的结果,而人才则是关键和根本,是跨越式发展的两翼。     

新时期加强党的基层组织建设的创新实践——永靖县实施“双培双带”工程的调查与思考

"双培双带"工程的实施为加强党的基层组织建设注入了强大的生机和活力,加快了农村经济发展的进程,加快了农村小康建设的进程.实践证明,"双培双带"工程是新时期加强党的基层组织建设的创新实践.永靖县在实施"双培双带"工程中取得了明显成效,并得出了一些有益的启示.     

坚持“三个代表” 建设农村小康的创造性实践——定西地区实施“双培双带”工程的理论和实践意义

实施"双培双带"工程,是贯彻"三个代表"重要思想,加强农村党组织和党员队伍建设的成功实践;是推进农业产业化和农业可持续发展,从根本上解决"三农"问题的有效形式;是转变基层领导方式,巩固和扩大党在农村的执政地位和执政基础的有益探索;是促进农村社会全面发展,建设农村小康的有效途径.     

Enter the dragon: China's courtship of Hong Kong, 1982–1999

From 1982, when the Chinese government first signalled its intention to take back Hong Kong, to the actual transfer of sovereignty in 1997, the PRC engaged in a long-term campaign to “win friends and influence people” in the British colony. Hoping to prevent a large-scale flight of capital and manpower, and wishing to cultivate a core group of sympathetic local notables as future political leaders, Beijing issued frequent pledges of non-interference in Hong Kong's affairs and adopted classic “united front” tactics — flattering, cajoling, and otherwise wooing potential supporters while snubbing (and sometimes smearing) outspoken critics. Despite intensely negative local reaction to the 1989 “Tiananmen Massacre”, over the long haul Beijing largely succeeded in disarming public fears of a heavyhanded Chinese takeover. Consequently, the handover itself was an extremely calm, tranquil affair. And in the first 2 years of Hong Kong's new status as a “Special Administrative Region” of China, the PRC earned generally high marks for honoring its pledge to uphold the principle of “one country, two systems”.     

政治机关要紧紧围绕“两个提供”抓好工作落实

政治机关在履行“两个提供”使命中负有重要责任。政治机关干部要履行好“两个提供”的使命,一要努力增强政治使命感和责任感;二要有一个清晰的、切合实际的工作套路;三要在会出点子、会办事情、会写文章上下功夫;四要防止和克服官僚主义、形式主义。     

Influencing Negotiation Willingness in the Middle East: The Potential Contributions of Private Actors

Numerous efforts to solve the Israeli–Palestinian conflict through diplomacy have taken place over the last four decades. To shed light on this dilemma in this article, the role that private actors and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) can play to enhance the negotiation willingness of nonstate armed groups was examined. It was argued that the NGOs in particular could play key roles in promoting the negotiation willingness of nonstate actors and also in influencing their internal dynamics and increasing their cohesion. Specifically, we examine two pairs of efforts to resolve the conflict in Israel and Palestine: the “Road Map” and the track two Geneva Initiative of 2003, and the Olmert Peace Plan and Jimmy Carter's visit to the Middle East in 2008. In the first pair, NGO efforts yielded unexpected results. The Palestinians were ready to compromise even though the deal offered by the Israelis did not seem very generous. In the second pair, the reaction of the Palestinians to Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's generous peace offer seemed especially puzzling, illustrating, the internal dynamics between the Palestinian factions. Negotiation willingness was closely related to cohesion, and that cohesion plays an important role in conflict negotiations. President Jimmy Carter's efforts in 2008 to enhance cohesion among the Palestinians illustrated the potential that NGOs have to complement official negotiations.     

论内地与香港特区间刑事诉讼转移制度的构建

针对同一起跨境犯罪,内地与香港特区在双方根据各自刑事法律均享有刑事管辖权,且均已启动刑事诉讼程序时,可进行区际刑事诉讼转移,即就该案件刑事管辖权的实际行使达成共识,由一方来行使刑事管辖权,对犯罪予以追究,他方承认实际管辖方所做出的刑事判决。在"一国两制"原则的指导下,中国内地与香港特区间开展刑事诉讼转移的刑事司法合作活动,须遵循"双重犯罪原则"、"有限的犯罪地管辖原则"和"一事不二审原则"。内地与香港特区刑事诉讼转移制度的构建,可以从包括原则、条件、程序和刑事诉讼转移的拒绝4个方面入手予以考虑。     

Between Two Worlds: Indigenous Leaders Exercising Influence and Working across Boundaries

Although there has been considerable commentary and debate relating to Indigenous political leadership, less attention has been given to the emergence of Indigenous leaders working to improve Indigenous prospects from within the worlds of community development, management, and administration. Based on in‐depth interviews with a cohort of emerging Indigenous leaders in these situations, we found that these leaders are producing their own style of leadership, drawing on their Indigenous identity as a resource, while negotiating the policy and other demands of white Australia. The style of leadership that is emerging has its own distinctive attributes, being more relationally based than is the norm. We suggest that these differences have an important cultural dimension, but also relate to the strategic and tactical challenges of managing ‘two‐ways’. We conclude that these characteristics may be difficult to recognise and reward in organisations where leadership is conceptualised in more instrumental terms.