共青团组织创立与当代青年的使命

90年前,在中国共产党的正确领导下,诞生了一个全新的以马克思列宁主义为行动指南的中国优秀青年组织——中国共产主义青年团。中国共产主义青年团的诞生,给中国青年带来了深刻、久远的影响,而且也使得中国青年有了自己的组织。当代青年要以共青团组织的历史精神承载起民族复兴的重任。     

试论基层派出所在新城建设中面临的问题及对策

为推动城乡协调发展,不断加快我国区域化、城镇化建设步伐,各级地方政府纷纷将建设城市新节点——新城作为一项重要战略举措,新城的聚合辐射作用正在逐步显现,但是因新城加速建设引发的体制转轨、社会转型、思想多样、利益多元等新情况和新问题逐渐成为区域内新的社会矛盾和冲突的孵化器。基层一线派出所在应对新挑战中应加强队伍建设,夯实警务基础,创新警务方式,推动警务区域联动一体化,加大打击力度,有效遏制犯罪上升势头;不断加强创新社会管理方式,及时化解社会各类矛盾,才能有效成为新城建设维稳的主力军。     

Kenneth B. Clark and the problem of power

ABSTRACT

During the early 1960s African American psychologist Kenneth B. Clark, known primarily for his involvement in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education US Supreme Court desegregation decision, began organizing an ambitious anti-poverty programme called Harlem Youth Opportunities Unlimited, Inc. (HARYOU). Dissatisfied by the lack of progress in school desegregation in New York City and discouraged by the inability of traditional social welfare organizations to address the problems of race and poverty, Clark argued that a new approach had to be developed to mobilize the black poor to gain the political and economic power that would solve their problems. At the same time, he theorized that a new form of racial segregation was beginning to develop in urban areas that foreshadowed increasing social isolation, economic dependence and declining municipal services for many African Americans. He called this new development ‘internal colonialism’ and hoped that HARYOU would be a demonstration project in the Kennedy–Johnson administration's War on Poverty that would address these problems from multiple perspectives. Nonetheless, the plan aroused the political opposition of Harlem Congressman Adam Clayton Powell. The dispute with Powell drove Clark from HARYOU and caused him to re-evaluate his thinking regarding African American leadership. He increasingly viewed the ‘ghetto’ as both a prison and a cocoon that satisfied white and black social, economic, political and psychological needs. By the end of his HARYOU experience, Clark coined the term ‘the new American dilemma’ to describe and theorize about an increasingly isolated and powerless black population in many urban centres. The term also signified his belief that the problem of power was intricately tied up in, while also separate from, the problem of race.     

Gang Membership,Gun Carrying,and Employment: Applying Routine Activities Theory to Explain Violent Victimization Among Inner City,Minority Youth Living in Extreme Poverty∗

Conceptual inconsistencies in routine activities theory are illustrated by demonstrating how gang membership, gun carrying, and employment can be categorized as both risk and protective factors in a high‐poverty context. Two waves of longitudinal data from a high‐poverty sample of African American youth were used to examine the determinants of victimization risk. Bivariate analyses indicated that gang membership, gun carrying, and employment status are significant risk factors for violent victimization, but these effects were mediated by measures of lifestyles (e.g., demographic and family factors, deviant lifestyles) included as controls in the full multivariate model. In other words, the strong positive relationship between gang membership and gun carrying found in previous studies may be due to model misspecification and/or the lack of research on high‐poverty samples of inner city youth from the Deep South. Additional logistic regression analyses also indicate that the number of hours employed per week (but not employment status) is a risk factor for violent victimization. Finally, the theoretical implications of these findings for routine activities theory are discussed.     

Local Social Ties and Willingness to Intervene: Textured Views Among Violent Urban Youth of Neighborhood Social Control Dynamics and Situations

Social control in urban neighborhoods has been studied for over a century in America, yet our understanding of the dynamic nature of social relations for exerting informal social control remains limited. The present study uses detailed reports from those most likely to be the target of local control efforts—violent youth in extremely disadvantaged urban locations—to re‐examine two features of this work: variations across different hypothetical scenarios widely used in this research, and connections between local ties and intervention type and likelihood in actual events. In‐depth qualitative interviews from 159 violent males aged 16–24 from two distressed New York City neighborhoods identify ways in which responses to commonly used scenarios of informal social control are age‐ and space‐graded. Reports on the transactional nature of social control in violent events show how local ties may undermine, rather than support, social control processes. It would appear that we need to consider more carefully general suggestions about local ties encouraging more informal social control, move to a more textured, multithreaded view of these connections, and incorporate age‐ and space‐graded dynamics into future studies of social control.     

城市拆迁的利益博弈与规制思路

在我国的城市化进程中,城市拆迁实质上是一场艰苦的＂利益博弈＂;从博弈的结果看,有相当一部分被拆迁人的私人利益受到了严重侵害,而假借公共利益之名的政府利益、开发商利益却得以不同程度的增加。城市拆迁已经造成了严重的利益冲突及社会冲突,亟待从根本上予以解决。鉴于政府利益异化、政府角色冲突是引发该问题的主要原因,本文提出了以约束政府不当行为为中心的规制思路,即应充分运用政治及法律手段,对城市拆迁中各级政府滥用公共利益的违法违规行为进行严格约束。     

北部湾城市群空间结构优化研究

借鉴城市群空间结构的相关理论和方法,剖析北部湾城市群等级规模结构特征、北部湾城市群空间结构演变特征;通过构建城市流作用强度模型,分析北部湾城市群空间经济联系强度;最后探讨了北部湾城市群空间结构优化的原则和策略。     

城乡体化发展启新篇章———学习党的十八届三中全会精神体会

党的十八届三中全会制定了全面深化改革的总体方案,对城乡一体化发展从加快构建新型农业经营体系、赋予农民更多财产权利、推进城乡要素平等交换和公共资源均衡配置、完善城镇化健康发展体制机制四个方面作出部署,体现了从农业、农民、农村、城镇化四个方面着力推进城乡互补发展、共促发展的制度安排,对破除二元结构、开启城乡一体化发展具有重要意义。     

关于“管道燃气初装费”相关法律问题分析

本文认为,我国各地征收的“管道燃气初装费”是不平等的行政性强制收费,目前的三类收费模式均存在不同程度的法律问题.解决这一问题较为可取的途径不是移植国外两部制气价等制度,而应将初装费并入地方政府城市基础设施配套费予以征收并完善相关征管制度,在主管管网建设基本饱和、补偿金每年支出较少的地方应逐步取消本项收费.     

Representative and Useful? An Empirical Assessment of the Representative Nature and Impact of the Scottish Youth Parliament

Youth parliaments provide a channel for young people to engage positively with the political system and benefit themselves and their communities. Using survey data of former members of the Scottish Youth Parliament (SYP), and comparing them with a variety of population data, the paper investigates whether the SYP is representative of the Scottish population, and whether engagement with the youth parliament has had an impact on members' personal and skills development, and associational activities in later life. Results suggest that former members of the youth parliament are representative of the general population and that personal and skills development has been high. In addition, an overwhelming majority of former members perceive positive impacts from their experiences. However, volunteering, although higher among former members compared with the population, is disproportionately favoured by the very same social groups that are known to volunteer more. The authors interpret this as evidence that the SYP has some way to go towards engendering volunteerism. These results are likely to be of interest to those who are either studying or engaging the younger generation in activities that sustain a healthy democratic regime.