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21.
Astrid Treffry-Goatley 《Communicatio》2013,39(1):37-57
Abstract When South Africa was emancipated from the oppressive apartheid regime in 1994, it was a severely divided society in need of an inclusive national identity to bind its citizens and maintain peace. Therefore, the state targeted the cultural industries, including film, as a means of promoting symbolic representations of national unity. The film industry was further identified as a priority sector for economic growth and as a potential platform for equitable redress. This article discusses existing and emerging finance, distribution and exhibition structures in the post-apartheid film industry. It considers government interventions in the form of film policies and development strategies with the purpose of examining the influence of globalising forces, in particular neoliberalism, on the apparent market-orientation of such interventions. The results presented indicate that the post-apartheid vision of equality, freedom and diversity does not always sit comfortably with the neoliberal, free-market principles promoted in the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) programme of 1996. Moreover, it suggests that in this commercial environment, the voices of the historically oppressed black majority, rather than enjoying a sense of artistic and creative freedom, can in fact encounter commercial censorship through the commodification of films for an export-orientated market. 相似文献
22.
The purpose of the present note is to advance two theoretical claims. The first claim proposed is that the impact of the availability of oversight tools and of the most broadly understood legislative capacity (availability of material, technical, financial resources; availability of well-trained staff) on the effectiveness with which legislative oversight is performed is conditional. The second claim put forward, after reviewing a rich body of work on executive–legislative relations and legislative oversight in West Africa, is that, of the various conditions that promote or prevent the effective use of oversight tools and capacity, political will is the single most important. These claims have both theoretical and practical relevance, for if political will is as important as is claimed for the effective performance of the oversight function, then international organisations may have to reconsider their approach to legislative strengthening. 相似文献
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《Criminal justice ethics》2012,31(3):176-197
The will theory of rights has so far been considered incapable of capturing individual rights under criminal law. Adherents of the will theory, therefore, have defended the claim that criminal law does not assign rights to individuals. In this article I argue first, that criminal law does assign individual rights and second, that the will theory of rights may enhance our understanding of these rights. The two major implications of the account are: a volenti non fit iniuria principle for criminal law, and a theoretical framework for an idea of punishment as restitution. 相似文献
25.
论商法在中国社会主义市场经济法律体系中的地位和作用 总被引：1，自引：1，他引：0
在我国社会主义市场经济法律体系中,民法是前置性法律,经济法是保障性法律,而商法则是市场运行法,特殊的功能成就其不可替代的独立地位。商法产生于市场经济并且直接服务于市场经济,两者具有深刻的依存关系,以效益为契合点,通过反映市场经济内在要求的技术性规范,保障市场主体营利自由,进而促进社会财富的增加,实践的品格使其具有高度灵活性。现代市场经济立法主要表现为商事立法,没有健全的商法制度,就没有完备的社会主义市场经济法律体系。在经济危机频繁爆发的当今世界,我国商事法律制度的建设依然任重而道远,需要理性面对法律部门功能纯化、法律移植合理化和商事习惯法律化等问题。 相似文献
26.
Husen Ahmed Tura 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(9):1613-1633
A human rights approach to food security seeks to empower vulnerable groups to claim their rights. It also reinforces a government’s obligations to respect, protect and fulfil the right to food. Furthermore, it encourages the integration of the right to food into the design and implementation of food security policies. This article examines the human rights approach to food security, with specific reference to Ethiopia. It assesses the historical causes of Ethiopia’s food insecurity, and examines the legislative and policy measures that the country has adopted over the last three decades in order to achieve food security. Food insecurity in the country is largely explained by the absence of government accountability. In 1973 and 1984, the hunger caused by drought was transitioned to famine not because of overall unavailability of food in the country, but because the government failed to provide food aid to the starved people and concealed the occurrence of famines from the international donors. Despite designing some food security policies over the last three decades, the country has not yet adopted sufficient legislative and judicial measures to enforce the right to food. This article argues that Ethiopia should introduce a framework law on the right to food to end hunger in the context of achieving national food security. 相似文献
27.
Tomer Broude 《The Journal of World Intellectual Property》2010,13(5):660-673
This article examines the implications of the World Trade Organization (WTO) China-Intellectual Property Rights Enforcement case for the relationship between human rights law and trade-related intellectual property law. It shows that, despite the theory whereby international trade law can spontaneously support the freedom of expression and possibly other human rights, the parties and the panel were, in practice, oblivious to the human rights context of the dispute. In the WTO, human rights considerations will be integrated with international trade law (and intellectual property law within it) only if a party makes explicit arguments to this effect, and a panel opts to consider such arguments on their merits, not through issue avoidance. 相似文献
28.
This article builds upon and extends the analyses presented by Fashagba (2009) and drills down on the analyses of oversight in Nigeria presented by Pelizzo and Stapenhurst (2014). It presents more nuanced findings. Based on an in-country document search and 45 personal interviews with politicians, parliamentary staff, civil society representatives and journalists, the article demonstrates that the Nigerian National Assembly possesses the tools and constitutional powers to undertake oversight; what it lacks so far is the political will of National Assembly representatives and senators to use these tools and powers effectively. 相似文献
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不受限制的遗嘱自由会导致自由的滥用 ,使每个人都成为该滥用行为的潜在的受害者。所以从社会本位角度考虑 ,我国应当采用特留份制度代替现在的必留份制度来限制遗嘱人的遗嘱自由。 相似文献