A Partial Revolution: The Diplomatic Ethos and Transparency in Intergovernmental Organizations

The World Trade Organization and other intergovernmental organizations confront a crisis of legitimacy that is partly rooted in their perceived secretiveness. These organizations have attempted to address this crisis by promising "the maximum possible level of transparency," but in fact, the improvements have been modest. Policies regarding access to information about intergovernmental organizations' operations continue to accommodate conventions of diplomatic confidentiality. Such conventions are more likely to be breached in areas where disclosure of information is essential to economic liberalization. A true revolution in transparency would require more rigorous policies on disclosure of information held by intergovernmental organizations such as the World Trade Organization, and could be justified as a prerequisite for the exercise of basic human rights, such as the right to participate fully in the policy-making process.     

Permanent representations to the European Union

Despite the burgeoning literature devoted to the European Union, there has been little scholarly attention devoted to the role of EU permanent representations and the degree to which they act as a linkage between member states and EU institutions. This article attempts to address this gap by focusing upon the structures, tasks and activities of permanent representations.     

The Role of Social Support in Students’ Perceived Abilities and Attitudes Toward Math and Science

Social cognitive models examining academic and career outcomes emphasize constructs such as attitude, interest, and self-efficacy as key factors affecting students’ pursuit of STEM (science, technology, engineering and math) courses and careers. The current research examines another under-researched component of social cognitive models: social support, and the relationship between this component and attitude and self-efficacy in math and science. A large cross-sectional design was used gathering data from 1,552 participants in four adolescent school settings from 5th grade to early college (41 % female, 80 % white). Students completed measures of perceived social support from parents, teachers and friends as well as their perceived ability and attitudes toward math and science. Fifth grade and college students reported higher levels of support from teachers and friends when compared to students at other grade levels. In addition, students who perceived greater social support for math and science from parents, teachers, and friends reported better attitudes and had higher perceptions of their abilities in math and science. Lastly, structural equation modeling revealed that social support had both a direct effect on math and science perceived abilities and an indirect effect mediated through math and science attitudes. Findings suggest that students who perceive greater social support for math and science from parents, teachers, and friends have more positive attitudes toward math and science and a higher sense of their own competence in these subjects.     

Liberal Forms of Governing Australian Indigenous Peoples

This article considers three different historical events from the point of view of their connections to aspects of the history of liberal political reason: the actions of the British in New South Wales in the early nineteenth century in their claim to sovereignty over Indigenous lands; the establishment of Aboriginal missions and subsequent removal of Aboriginal children in the early twentieth century; and the Northern Territory Emergency Response and suspension of the Australian Commonwealth Racial Discrimination Act (1975) early in the twenty‐first century. The aim is to point to gaps between present claims about liberalism and ‘actual existing liberalism’, review the basis for examining accounts of governance deploying ‘authoritarian liberalism’ and ‘race war’ as central concepts, and call into question the Northern Territory campaign as an ‘exceptional’ event.     

Worrying about misconduct: the control lobby and the PS 2000 reforms

Abstract: In 1989, the Canadian government announced a plan to reform the federal public service that would reduce the number of rules imposed on line managers and promote a “results-oriented, entrepreneurial” culture. Public discussion about the reforms was dominated by a community of groups and individuals, which the author characterizes as a “control lobby.” Constituents of the control lobby worried that the proposed reforms would undermine parliamentary control over the public service and increase bureaucratic misconduct. The lobby slowed implementation of, and caused modifications to, institutional reforms and undercut efforts towards culture change. The attention that it gave to incidents of perceived misconduct may also have reinforced popular beliefs about the dangers of reform. The paper describes the key members of the control lobby, their reaction to the PS 2000 reforms and attempts by reform leaders to respond to their concerns. It suggests that a major weakness of the PS 2000 initiative was its failure to anticipate and craft a response to worries expressed by the control lobby. Sommaire: En 1989, le gouvernement canadien a annoncé un plan de réforme de la Fonction publique fédérale visant à réduire le nombre de règles régissant les gérants hiérarchiques et à promouvoir un «esprit d'entreprise axé sur les résultats». Le débat public concernant ces réformes a été dominé par un ensemble de groupes et d'individus caractérisés par l'auteur comme étant des partisans du contrôle. Ces derniers s'inquiétaient du fait que les réformes proposées risquaient de soustraire la fonction publique au contrôle parlementaire et d'augmenter les vicissitudes bureaucratiques. Ce groupe de pression a ralenti la mise en oeuvre des réformes institutionnelles et les a modifiées, et il a sapé les efforts visant à faire évoluer les esprits. Ayant attiré l'attention sur les incidents où il semblait y avoir un comportement incorrect des fonctionnaires, il a peut-être aussi réussi à renforcer les croyances populaires concernant le danger des réformes. L'article décrit les principaux membres de ce groupe de pression, leur réaction face aux réformes de la FP 2000, et les efforts des leaders de la réforme pour répondre à leurs inquiétudes. II suggère que le fait de ne pas avoir prévu les inquiétudes exprimées par les partisans du contrôle et de ne pas avoir préparé de réponse adéquate constitue une faiblesse importante de l'initiative FP 2000.     

Question Time: Questionnaires and Maastricht

This paper seeks to highlight the main elements of the 'strategic-relational'approach to (Marxist) state theory, developed particularly by Bob Jessop. The legacy of Nicos Poulantzas in particular is singled out for its importance in laying the foundations for such an approach. This is followed by a discussion of Jessop and his development of many ideas bequeathed by Poulantzas, culminating in various moves toward a strategic-relational analysis. These moves are then critically assessed, with some wider thoughts on the approach offered in conclusion.     

“Civic discovery” as a rhetorical strategy

Much research in the field of public management is distinguished by its rejection of the politics-administration dichotomy and its emphasis on the public manager's responsibility for political management. By rejecting the dichotomy, however, scholars in public management have reopened debate over an old question: Why is it right for public managers to exercise political power in the policymaking process? It is argued that the dichotomy served as a rhetorical strategy for allaying public concern about bureaucratic power, and that public management scholars must now invent a new strategy to take its place. This article evaluates one strategy, proposed by Moore and Reich, which is premised on the idea that managers may legitimize the exercise of discretion by showing it to be consistent with a mandate that is produced through a fair process of deliberation. It is argued that the new strategy may overestimate the ability to build mandates, the ability to build deliberative processes that are manifestly fair, and the willingness of dissentient citizens to defer to such mandates. The new strategy will also bind public managers to a demonstration of neutrality not unlike that imposed by the politics-administration dichotomy.