Victorian Voting: The Origins of Party Orientation and Class Alignment

Much of what we know about the alignment of voters with parties comes from mass surveys of the electorate in the postwar period or from aggregate electoral data. Using individual elector-level panel data from nineteenth-century United Kingdom poll books, we reassess the development of a party centered electorate. We show that (a) the electorate was party-centered by the time of the extension of the franchise in 1867, (b) a decline in candidate-centered voting is largely attributable to changes in the behavior of the working class, and (c) the enfranchised working class aligned with the Liberal left. This early alignment of the working class with the left cannot entirely be explained by a decrease in vote buying. The evidence suggests instead that the alignment was based on the programmatic appeal of the Liberals. We argue that these facts can plausibly explain the subsequent development of the party system.     

Social and economic implications of family connections to prisoners

Research about incarceration has moved beyond studies of the individual prisoner to examine how incarceration impacts prisoners' families and neighborhoods. Much of the family-centered work highlights the potential benefits for the prisoner of maintaining ties to family during the incarceration period, and particularly after release. Less thoroughly considered is the potential benefits and costs to families of maintaining a relationship with an incarcerated individual. This article addresses this topic with a qualitative study of prisoners' families, as well as a review of census data in one high incarceration neighborhood. Research findings suggested that there were significant costs, both social and economic, to a prisoner's family if they desired to maintain the most basic level of connection with him. The study further suggested that families and prisoners were put in a position requiring constant negotiation of competing interests.     

The evolution of European legal integration

This article contributes to the development of theories on European integration by testing and exploring statistical models on the long-term development of legislative activity of the European Commission. Drawing on legal information gained from the European Union’s PreLex database and analyzing it with the help of statistical analyses, we map out growth patterns of EU law between 1976 and 2003. We construct time-series models and models based on non-linear regression. While the performance of models based on the traditional theoretical approaches, intergovernmentalism and neo-functionalism, is rather poor, the analysis suggests that nonlinear dynamic models might be an interesting avenue for future conceptualizations of the EU integration process. This article is based on a paper presented at the ECPR Standing Group on the European Union Second Pan-European Conference on EU Politics, “Implications of a Wider Europe: Politics, Institutions and Diversity”, 24–26 June 2004, Bologna, Italy. We would like to thank the seminar participants for useful comments.     

Peter Ebsen, Emissionshandel in Deutschland

Ohne Zusammenfassung     

Zum Erfordernis eines Teilurteils trotz "Außerstreitstellung" des Mietzinsrückstandes

Bei Verbindung von Mietzins- und R?umungsbegehren ist ein Teilurteil auch dann zwingend zu erlassen, wenn zwar die H?he des qualifizierten Mietzinsrückstandes im darauf gestützten R?umungsprozess nicht strittig ist, aber der Mieter behauptet, er sei nach § 1096 ABGB von der Mietzinszahlung ganz oder teilweise befreit; dies gilt auch bei Au?erstreitstellung des Rückstandes der H?he nach. Das Teilurteil geht bei der Kombination von Mietzinsund R?umungsklage dem Rückstandsbeschluss zwingend vor.     

Les fonds renouvelables comme outils de gestion dans le secteur public

Sommaire: : Les méthodes de gestion du secteur privé peuvent-elles s'appliquer au secteur public? Certainement pas intégralement, un obstacle majeur tient au systéme budgétaire des gouvernements. Ce systéme en effet ne permet pas à un administrateur de relier les coûts d'une activitéà une forme quelconque de revenus qui y serait associée et de régulariser les dépenses en conséquence. La formule du Fonds renouvelable fait exception. Tout en demeurant intéagré au cadre financier gouvernemental le Fonds renouvelable finance certaines activités à même les revenus qu'elles générent plutôt que par les sources fiscales usuelles. La formule est séduisante mais ne peut s'appliquer avec profit qu'á certaines conditions. Une grille d'analyse en douze points permet de juger de 1'opportunité d'implanter un Fonds renouvelable. Abstract: Can the management methods of the private sector be applied to the public sector? Certainly not as a whole, because a major obstacle is created by the budgetary system of governments. Indeed, this system prevents an administrator from linking the costs of an activity to some form of revenues which would be related to it and from controlling expenses accordingly. The renewable fund formula is an exception. While remaining part of die governmental budgetary framework, the renewable funds finance some activities from the very revenues they generate rather than through the usual fiscal sources. The formula is attractive but can only be applied sucessfully on certain conditions. A twelve-point analysis grid shows whether it is appropriate to set up a renewable fund. Combien de fois a-t-on entendu des cadres du secteur privé reprocher à leurs collégues du secteur public leur manque de rigueur financeére? Bien à l'abri dans leur sécurité d'emploi, coupés des dures réalités du marché, ceux-ci n'auraient qu'un objectif: dépenser la totalité de leur budget avant la fin de l'exercice ou, mieux encore, dépasser le budget autorisé pour en justifier la croissance l'année suivante.     

Stammwähler und die opportunistische Wahl parteipolitischer Programme

This article explains political radicalism by the number of voters who are biased towards a party. With little voters biased in favor of a party, this party has to rely more heavily on its programmatic distance to other parties. Because large parties – i.e.: parties with a high number of biased voters – gain votes when they move to the center of the political spectrum, parties with a lower number of voters that are biased in their favor are forced to the edges of the policy space. We draw on a computational model of political competition between four parties in a two‐dimensional policy space to investigate this relationship. We use panel corrected OLS estimates to analyze the data generated by the computer simulation. Our results substantiate the hypothesis of a negative relationship between the number of biased voters and the inclination of a party to adopt a more extreme policy stance.