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1.
ABSTRACT

This article assembles a picture of Yemen’s 2013–14 National Dialogue Conference (NDC) by collecting perspectives from local civil society organizations (CSOs), which are contrasted to the views of international commentators. Despite all efforts by internal parties as well as the international community, the dialogue failed to avert war, which broke out shortly after. Through interviews with 50 CSOs, we reconstructed the reasons for failure, as well as paying attention to the observed strengths of the dialogue. Half of the consulted organizations were directly involved in the NDC, either as an invited participant or in a brokerage role. The other half concerns outside observers. We identify aspects on which the opinion of the CSOs converge, but also highlight striking divergences depending on insider/outsider status. In contrast to the view espoused in the international literature, the CSOs overall feel that, in spite of all its procedural and substantive flaws, the NDC was a significant junction in the long road towards peace and stability and laid important groundwork for future dialogues.  相似文献   
2.
Im Jahr 2005 wurde das Gentechnikgesetz grundlegend novelliert. Damit kam der deutsche Gesetzgeber seinen europarechtlichen Verpflichtungen zur Anpassung des Rechts der Grünen Gentechnik – also der Nutzung gentechnischer Methoden durch Unternehmen der Agro-Industrie und der Saatgutbranche – nach. Neben einer Versch?rfung der Sicherheitsma?nahmen, der Einrichtung eines besonderen Ausschusses für Freisetzung und Inverkehrbringen sowie umfangreicher Regelungen zur Sicherstellung der Koexistenz konventioneller/?kologischer und gentechnischer Anbaumethoden enthielt die Novelle auch die Aufnahme des § 34a in das Bundesnaturschutzgesetzes4. Der neue § 34a BNatSchG soll Fragen des Einsatzes gentechnisch ver?nderter Organismen (GVO) in Europ?ischen Naturschutzgebieten des Netzwerks „Natura 2000“ regeln. Die ersten Praxiserfahrungen mit dieser Vorschrift sind ernüchternd. Den erhofften Schub in Richtung Schutz ?kologisch sensibler Gebiete brachte sie bislang nicht.  相似文献   
3.
Seit längerem ist in Rechtsprechung und Literatur umstritten, 1 ob und in welchem Umfang ein Insolvenzverwalter wegen Gefahren, die von Massegegenständen ausgehen, ordnungsrechtlich haftet. In zwei aktuellen Urteilen hat das BVerwG eine Zustandsverantwortlichkeit des Insolvenzverwalters grundsätzlich anerkannt. Insbesondere durch Freigabe von Massegegenständen kann sich der Insolvenzverwalter aber von der ordnungsrechtlichen Haftung befreien. 1) Vgl. zu dem Streit zwischen Insolvenz- und Verwaltungsrechtlern, Verwaltungs- und Zivilgerichten: Uhlenbruck KTS 2004, 275ff.; Kothe ZfIR 2004, 1ff.; Häsemeyer in: FS Uhlenbruck, 2000, S. 97ff.; Franz NuR 2000, 496ff.  相似文献   
4.
This article examines whether spending decisions in Swiss cantons are interdependent, that is, whether the spending decisions of a canton are influenced by those of other cantons. Theoretically, fiscal policy imitation among cantons can be interpreted as a process of policy and innovation diffusion, as a result of tax competition or as a consequence of federalism as a policy laboratory. The panel analysis presented in this article provides evidence of the existence of budget spillovers among neighbouring cantons. Cantonal governments do not take spending decisions in isolation, but by systematically comparing the fiscal policies in neighbouring cantons.  相似文献   
5.
The issue of the impact of tax competition between the cantons has been quite present in the public discussion, especially in relation with the reform of the Swiss system of financial equalization. The connection between the degree of direct democratic rights and the intensity of tax competition ana‐lysed by Feld (1997) seems to be particularly interesting for political science. Differently to the approach of Feld (1997) this research note examines it with regard to the tax policies in the cantons. In addition, a less criticized way to measure the institutions of direct democracy is used and the research period is extended. The analysis shows that there is a trade‐off between the exit‐ and the voice‐option. In other words: those cantons that have well developed direct democratic institutions, are less affected by the pressure of tax competition. As a consequence of the perceived influence, their citizens do less probably move to an other canton as a reaction to a heavy tax burden.  相似文献   
6.
公职人员责任体系研究   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
公职人员行使公共权力,理应尽职尽责地履行义务,否则就应受到谴责或制裁,这就是责任。公职人员承担责任的形式有:政治责任、行政责任、刑事责任、赔偿责任和道义责任等。本文试图在深入剖析这些不同责任形式的基础之上,构筑中国公职人员的责任体系。  相似文献   
7.
This article analyzes the relationship between the different forms of direct democratic participation and the size of the tax state in the Swiss cantons for the period from 1983 to 2000. The analysis distinguishes between the different effects of the financial referendum and the initiative. Theoretical arguments suppose that the financial referendum curb the tax state, whereas the initiative is expected to contribute to its growth. Pooled time series analyses show that legal conditions of direct democratic participation in general and especially the legislation on financial referenda are much more important than the frequency of plebiscites for the explanation of the different sizes of the tax states in the cantons. As an additional result of the analyses, the impact of direct democracy on the tax state turns out to be much larger in the 1990s compared to the decade before.  相似文献   
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