Books: Comparative Politics and Area Studies

R. Banton, P. Clifford, S. Frosh, J. Lousada and J. Rosenthal, The Politics of Mental Health (London, Macmillan, 1985)
T. Forester (ed.), The Information Technology Revolution (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1985
Philip Green, Retrieving Democracy: in Search of Civic Equality (Totawa, N. J., Rowman & Allanheid 1985)
Joseph J. Houska, Influencing Mass Political Behaviour: Elites and Political Subcultures in the Netherlands and Austria (Berkeley, Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1985)
R. Kuhn (ed.), The Politics of Broadcasting (Beckenham, Croorn Helm, 1984)
G. E. Lang and K. Lang, Politics and Television Reviewed (Berkeley, Sage, 1984)
A. Organski, J. Kugler, J. Johnson and Y. Cohen, Births, Deaths and Taxes (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1984)
W. E. Styler, Adult Education and Political Systems (Nottingham, Publications Unit, Department of Adult Education, University of Nottingham, 1985)
David Robertson, A Dictionary of Modern Politics (London, Europa Publications, 1985)
J. T. Morley, Secular Socialists: The CCF/NDP in Ontario , A Biography (Toronto, McCill-Queen's University Press, 1984)
H. S. Parmet, JFK: the Presidency of John F. Kennedy (Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1984)
R. H. K. Vietor, Energy Policy in America Since 1945 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1985)
G. T. Mazuzan and J. S. Walker, Controlling the Atom (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1984)
A. Figueroa, Capitalist Development and the Peasant Economy in Peru (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1984)
Harvey B. Feigenbaum, The Politics of Public Enterprise: Oil and the French State (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1985)
Eckhard Jesse, Wahlrecht zwischen Kontinuitat und Reform 1949–1983 (Dusseldorf, Droste, 1985)
H. Lydall, Yugoslav Socialism: Theory and Practice (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1984)     

THE DEVELOPMENT AND IMPLEMENTATION OF SPECIAL EDUCATION POLICY: WHERE DID THE 1981 ACT FIT IN?

The passage of legislation is just one point in the process of negotiation and bargaining which formed the will to legislate and continues throughout the period of policy implementation. Using the 1981 Education Act as a case study, this paper develops a conceptual framework which sees education legislation as a significant reference point, a statement of government intent, but implementation as a political process involving negotiation, bargaining and compromise between different sectors of government, between central and local government, between education, health and social services, between administrators and professionals, and with parents.     

RELIGION AND CRIME REEXAMINED: THE IMPACT OF RELIGION,SECULAR CONTROLS,AND SOCIAL ECOLOGY ON ADULT CRIMINALITY*

Since Hirschi and Stark's (1969) surprising failure to find religious (“hellfire”) effects on delinquency, subsequent research has generally revealed an inverse relationship between religiosity and various forms of deviance, delinquency, and crime. The complexity of the relationship and conditions under which it holds, however, continue to be debated. Although a few researchers have found that religion's influence is noncontingent, most have found support—especially among youths—for effects that vary by denomination, type of offense, and social and/or religious context. More recently the relationship has been reported as spurious when relevant secular controls are included. Our research attempts to resolve these issues by testing the religion-crime relationship in models with a comprehensive crime measure and three separate dimensions of religiosity. We also control for secular constraints, religious networks, and social ecology. We found that, among our religiosity measures, participation in religious activities was a persistent and noncontingent inhibiter of adult crime.     

Reluctant Coalitionists: The Conservative Party and the Establishment of the Coalition Government in May 2010

The Conservative party has been the real awkward partner in the Conservative‐Liberal Democrat coalition government because its backbench MPs have rebelled more frequently than their Liberal Democrat counterparts since May 2010. This reflected the fact that the Conservatives were reluctant coalitionists to begin with: they would have preferred to see a minority Conservative government, they had made far too many concessions to the Liberal Democrats, they had been bounced into accepting a coalition deal by a controlling party leadership, and they had lost out on those ministerial positions now held by Liberal Democrats. There was thus no great enthusiasm for the establishment of a coalition government with the Liberal Democrats in the parliamentary Conservative party in May 2010. Conservatives merely resigned themselves to an outcome which they had been given little opportunity to influence and which David Cameron had made it very difficult for them to reject.     

AT THE INTERFACE BETWEEN THEORY AND PRACTICE – POLICY TRANSFER AND LESSON‐DRAWING

AT THE INTERFACE BETWEEN THEORY AND PRACTICE – POLICY TRANSFER AND LESSON‐DRAWING
Learning From Comparative Public Policy: a Practical Guide
Richard Rose
Routledge 2004, 147 pp., £16.99 (pb) ISBN: 0415317428     

THE SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES OF SELF-CONTROL: TESTING THE GENERAL THEORY OF CRIME*

Gottfredson and Hirschi's recently introduced general theory of crime has received considerable empirical support. Researchers have found that low self-control, the general theory's core concept, is related to lawbreaking and to deviant behaviors considered by Gottfredson and Hirschi to be “analogous” to crime. In this article, we extend this research by assessing the effects of low self-control on crime and analogous behaviors and by using two distinct measures of self-control, an attitudinal measure and the analogous/behavior scale. Thus, following Gottfredson and Hirschi, we use analogous imprudent behaviors as outcomes of low self-control and as indicators of low self-control's effects on crime. We also examine an important but thus far neglected part of the theory: the claim that low self-control has effects not only on crime but also on life chances, life quality, and other social consequences. Consistent with the general theory, we found that both measures of self-control, attitudinal and behavioral, have effects on crime, even when controlling for a range of social factors. Further, the analysis revealed general support for the theory's prediction of negative relationships between low self-control and social consequences other than crime—life outcomes and quality of life.     

SOCIAL SCIENTISTS AS EXPERT WITNESSES: Their Use, Misuse, and Sometimes Abuse

Upon entering the legal realm, the expert witness must begin to define his or her role and establish a working relationship with the attorneys. The authors recommend that relationships between the social scientist and the attorneys be subject to clear and explicit agreements and that the role of the expert witness be defined so that the social scientist maintains control of any needed research. Potential expert witnesses should be aware of the unique research problems they may encounter and be prepared to deal with these obstacles. Throughout the research, the expert should be cognizant of the adversarial setting in which the results will be presented, and must carefully document and substantiate the research accordingly. Finally, the social scientist should be aware of the potential consequences of participating as an expert witness.     

Newspaper Coverage of Corporate Price-Fixing

Among the reasons common corporate crimes such as price-fixing lack the "brimstone smell" of common street crimes such as burglary is that newspapers fail to provide frequent, prominent, or criminally oriented coverage of corporate crime. This certainly was true of newspaper coverage of the heavy electrical equipment antitrust cases of 1961. Replicative analysis reveals that this also was true of newspaper coverage of the folding-carton industry antitrust cases of 1976. Reasons for this continued lack of coverage are discussed, including the diffuse harm characteristic of price-fixing, the general lack of recognition that corporations are juristic persons capable of criminal deviance, and the disinclination of large organizations to link other large organizations with criminality.