Geopolitics and geoculture in world-systems theorizing: A review essay

This article discusses the strengths and weakness of world-system theorizing in the light of recent geopolitical changes and the emergence of new “shatter zones” in the world economy. It also examines the relationship between hegemonic social sciences and the crisis of the world-system. Thus, it argues, the idiographic tradition that emerged in the nineteenth century pushed us in the direction of specialization and micro-analysis at a time when a global perspective and comparative, interdisciplinary analysis could have offered deeper insights into the nature and direction of social and geopolitical change in the modern world. It also suggests that the nomothetic tradition which emerged in the 1960s is being revived in order to push us away from structuralist explanation and in the direction of atheoretical and quantitative analysis. The article concludes with a brief discussion on the organization and political problems confronting antisystemic movements in the modern world. Dr. James Mac laughlin is on the faculty of the geography department at University College, Cork, Ireland. His most recent publications include “Defending the Frontiers: The Political Geography of Race and Racism in the European Community” (1993) andEmigration and the Peripheralization of Ireland in the World Economy: A World-Perspective on Irish Emigration (1993).     

Built-in Safeguards and the Implementation of Civil War Peace Accords

This article contributes to analyses of peace agreement implementation by focusing on the role of built-in safeguards as procedural mechanisms within peace agreements. Recent empirical studies suggest that negotiated peace agreements are a frequent mode of armed conflict termination and implementation of those agreements to be the primary predictor of enduring peace and the quality of that peace. However, in many instances implementation takes years or even decades and is subject to breakdown before achieving the key implementation objectives. In this article, we identify and theorize three key safeguards in peace accords: transitional power-sharing, dispute resolution, and verification mechanisms. We argue that these safeguards lead to higher implementation of provisions negotiated in peace agreements by addressing mutual suspicion and by facilitating more constructive working relationships among former rivals. To test our arguments, we analyze implementation of comprehensive peace agreements negotiated between 1989 and 2012 from the Peace Accords Matrix Implementation Data (PAM_ID). We find that the built-in safeguards that we have identified significantly explain variations in levels of peace agreement implementation.     

The Development of Future Orientation is Associated with Faster Decline in Hopelessness during Adolescence

Hopelessness is implicated in multiple psychological disorders. Little is known, however, about the trajectory of hopelessness during adolescence or how emergent future orientation may influence its trajectory. Parallel process latent growth curve modelling tested whether (i) trajectories of future orientation and hopelessness and (ii) within-individual change in future orientation and hopelessness were related. The study was comprised of 472 adolescents [52% female, 47% Caucasian, 47% received free lunch] recruited at ages 12–13 who completed measures of future orientation and hopelessness at five annual assessments. The results indicate that a general decline in hopelessness across adolescence occurs quicker for those experiencing faster development of future orientation, when controlling for age, sex, low socio-economic status in addition to stressful life events in childhood and adolescence. Stressful childhood life events were associated with worse future orientation at baseline and negative life events experienced during adolescence were associated with both an increase in the trajectory of hopelessness as well as a decrease in the trajectory of future orientation. This study provides compelling evidence that the development of future orientation during adolescence is associated with a faster decline in hopelessness.     

Ian Paisley and the Reformed Tradition

This article examines the religious beliefs underlying the political ideology of Ulster's fundamentalist politician, Ian Paisley. Paisley claims to follow the Reformation tradition in both his theology and political beliefs, and cannot be understood without reference to this tradition. Adopting an apocalyptic world view from Reformation Protestants such as Knox, Paisley views the Roman Catholic Church as the Harlot of Babylon condemned in Revelation, and this belief underlies his anti-Catholicism. This world view shapes Paisley's understanding of politics because he follows Knox in believing that the political community has a covenantal relationship to God requiring complete repudiation of Roman Catholic 'idolatry'. Paisley invokes the Scottish covenanting tradition as a model for Protestant political activity in Ulster, advocating resistance against any attempt to show political favour to the Roman Catholic Church.     

Administering the Overseas Vote

While there is a growing academic literature about mail-in ballots, there has been no serious academic research to date on overseas voters, even though the counting of overseas military ballots figured into the 2000 presidential election controversy. The participation of nearly 4 million overseas voters, both civilian and military, is governed by the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act. The authors examine the reported perceptions of military and nonmilitary voters covered by this legislation using two surveys funded by the U.S. Election Assistance Commission, focusing on their perceptions of electronic means of transmitting voting materials. The authors find that civilian overseas citizens have a harder time registering and voting than military overseas citizens; that the key factor is the timely transmission of voting materials; and that, despite privacy concerns, electronic transmission of voting materials is viewed favorably.     

An economic appraisal of urban housing assistance: rental supplments versus public housing

Abstract. The benefits and costs of rental supplements versus public housing are analysed in this study. The role of social assistance and public housing in improving housing standards of low income households is assessed. Housing standards for households with incomes below 3, 000 and the dollar return to private property owners renting to social assistance recipients are studied as two measures of effectiveness of the alternatives. Measures of housing standards for low income households are reviewed. It was concluded that, for welfare and non-welfare households, low income is the critical factor determining the existence of low quality housing. Data on target clientele reached by current housing programs are not available, so it is difficult to determine the effectiveness of such programs in improving housing standards of low income households. Various public and private costs critical to the assessment of housing assistance are discussed. In conclusion, it is pointed out that a simple benefit/cost analysis is inadequate for deciding on public housing versus rental supplements. Several additional studies are required, including: decisions on minimum levels of housing standards, comparison of other housing assistance progrm, and costs of all housing and nonhousing programs. Sommaire. Cette étude porte sur les coêts et les bénéfices d'une politique de subvention des loyers par opposition à une politique de logement public. Les auteurs évaluent le rôle que jouent l'assistance sociale et le logement public dans l'amélioration de l'habitation des économiquement faibles. Ils étudient la qualité de l'habitation des familles ayant un revenu inférieur à 3, 000 et la rentabilité des propriétés privées louées am assistés sociaux en tant que critères d'évaluation. Ils passent en revue les normes de qualité du logement des économiquement faibles. Ils concluent que c'est le faible revenu qui est la cause déterminante de la mauvaise qualité du logement peu importe que les familles dépendent ou non du bien-être social. Il n'existe pas de données concernant la clientèle profitant, à l'heure actuelle, des programmes de logement et il est donc difficile de déterminer la contribution de ces programmes à l'amélioration du logement des économiquement faibles. Les auteurs discutent des différents coûts, publics et privés, ui entrent dans l'évaluation d'une subvention au logement. Ils concluent en faisant remarquer qu'une simple analyse coûts/bénéfices est insuffisante pour choisir entre le logement public et le loyer subventionné. D'autres études seront donc nécessaires, plus particulièrement sur les normes minimales de logement, sur la comparaison àétablir avec d'autres programmes d'assistance au logement, et sur les coûts de tous les programmes de logement en comparaison avec les coûts des autres programmes.     

Northern Irish legal education after Brexit

ABSTRACT

In this article we argue that the impact of Brexit on the law schools in Northern Ireland is tied to the “unique circumstances” of legal education in this part of the world. Legal education in Northern Ireland is likely to develop to become even more distinctive than that in other parts of the UK. Although there are two distinct jurisdictions on the island, they are deeply entangled by shared history and geographical proximity that make cross-border practice a daily reality. These circumstances seem likely to drive the trajectory of the development of legal education in Northern Ireland. Indeed, EU law is likely to remain a component of the Northern Irish qualifying law degree. The potential for the development of law specific to Northern Ireland under backstop arrangements is another significant driver for the future orientation of legal education in this jurisdiction. Legal education in Northern Ireland is, therefore, likely to become noticeably more “European” than that in other parts of the UK.     

Battleground: candidate selection and violence in Africa’s dominant political parties

ABSTRACT

This article develops a theory – rooted in the experience of the African National Congress in South Africa – to explain how, and why, a dominant political party is less likely to conduct orderly elections to select its political leadership. First, I demonstrate that canny party leaders – operating in the space between a divided society and a weak state – make an ideological turn to a “congress-like” political party, which is clever (in the short term) because it provides party leaders with an in-built electoral majority. It is, however, also a dangerous manoeuvre because it essentially endogenizes social competition for state resources inside the dominant party. This displacement of social competition away from the public sphere towards the partisan organization increases the likelihood of disorderly competition for party candidacies. Second, I demonstrate how this competition need not necessarily become the basis of violent competition inside the dominant party. The party leadership can use intra-party elections to stabilize competition, but only if the party invests in an organization that applies impartially the rules that govern the election.