首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   272篇
  免费   9篇
各国政治   17篇
工人农民   21篇
世界政治   44篇
外交国际关系   11篇
法律   123篇
中国政治   2篇
政治理论   61篇
综合类   2篇
  2023年   2篇
  2022年   3篇
  2021年   2篇
  2020年   4篇
  2019年   9篇
  2018年   10篇
  2017年   5篇
  2016年   8篇
  2015年   12篇
  2014年   13篇
  2013年   42篇
  2012年   11篇
  2011年   11篇
  2010年   13篇
  2009年   6篇
  2008年   15篇
  2007年   10篇
  2006年   4篇
  2005年   9篇
  2004年   3篇
  2003年   6篇
  2002年   4篇
  2001年   17篇
  2000年   18篇
  1999年   5篇
  1998年   2篇
  1996年   2篇
  1995年   1篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   3篇
  1991年   4篇
  1990年   1篇
  1989年   2篇
  1987年   4篇
  1986年   1篇
  1984年   3篇
  1983年   4篇
  1982年   1篇
  1981年   1篇
  1980年   1篇
  1978年   1篇
  1977年   1篇
  1975年   1篇
  1973年   1篇
  1972年   1篇
  1970年   1篇
  1968年   1篇
  1956年   1篇
排序方式: 共有281条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
This paper highlights some of the central ethical challengesinvolved in undertaking social science research with refugeesin conflict and crisis situations. It focuses on two main setsof challenges: first, the difficulties of constructing an ethicalconsent process and obtaining genuinely informed consent; andsecond, taking fully into account and responding to refugeeparticipants' capacities for autonomy. The authors also discussthe challenges involved in applying the central normative principlesgoverning ethics review processes—the principles of beneficence,integrity, respect for persons, autonomy and justice—tothe context of refugee research. It is argued that researchersshould seek ways to move beyond harm minimization as a standardfor ethical research and recognize an obligation to design andconduct research projects that aim to bring about reciprocalbenefits for refugee participants and/or communities. Some ofthe methodological issues raised by this analysis are discussedin the conclusion.  相似文献   
2.
The end of the twentieth century was marked by a sea change in global governance in the realm of intellectual property rights (IPRs). Whereas countries historically retained substantial autonomy with regard to what they defined as intellectual "property" and the rights granted to the owners of intellectual property, the 1990s witnessed the establishment of new global obligations regarding national practices. This paper focuses on the case of software "piracy" to assess the mechanisms by which the new global obligations for the treatment of IPRs are transmitted from the international to the national levels. We first consider a set of national-level factors that many scholars have shown to be important determinants of IPR policy. We then supplement the standard emphasis on domestic factors with an analysis of new transnational factors: countries' multilateral obligations under the World Trade Organization's (WTO) Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) and bilateral pressures from the United States to increase the protection of IPRs. Population-averaged panel data models are used to assess the effects of these national and transnational determinants on levels of software piracy in 80 countries from 1994 to 2002. Our results indicate that membership in the WTO and bilateral pressures from the United States—particularly pressures that offer reciprocal concessions—lead to substantial increases in levels of protection in rich and poor countries. There is, in short, a new international political economy of intellectual property.  相似文献   
3.
In recent years, political theorists and social scientists have sought to assess the contemporary relevance and validity of a so-called classical doctrine of democracy in light of empirical evidence emphasizing the apathy, ignorance, incompetence, and/or authoritarian inclinations of ordinary citizens. Elite or revisionist theories have urged a drastic attenuation of the participatory commitments of classical democratic theory in light of this evidence. Defenders of classical democratic theory have often accepted this evidence as substantially accurate, staking their hopes upon future possibilities for the development of mass political competence in the democratically reconstituted structures of a participatory society. This article suggests that a critique of revisionist democratic theory can be developed solely on the basis of currently available findings. After reviewing an important body of evidence, we conclude that the distribution of political competence between mass and elite is far less unequal than has been assumed by revisionist proponents of elite democratic theory and conceded by their participatory critics.  相似文献   
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
What model of voter enrolment is appropriate for states with nomadic minority populations? The present paper examines this question with reference to an equality-based, moral right to vote and considers four models that track some of the different institutional strategies that have been developed by states with transient populations. The paper shows that the right to vote is compatible neither with a model that makes permanent residence in a constituency an absolute condition for voter enrolment and so excludes nomads from the electoral process, nor with a model that enables nomadic voter enrolment but restricts the number of nomads that can enrol in a single constituency. But the right is, subject to certain caveats, consistent with a model that enables nomads to enrol in a constituency of their choice and, as well, with a model that enables nomads to enrol and vote in a distinct, non-territorial constituency.  相似文献   
9.
10.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号