首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   98篇
  免费   2篇
各国政治   7篇
工人农民   2篇
世界政治   18篇
法律   31篇
中国政治   2篇
政治理论   40篇
  2021年   2篇
  2020年   2篇
  2018年   1篇
  2017年   1篇
  2014年   1篇
  2013年   4篇
  2012年   3篇
  2011年   4篇
  2010年   2篇
  2009年   8篇
  2008年   6篇
  2007年   6篇
  2006年   3篇
  2004年   1篇
  2003年   2篇
  2002年   3篇
  1999年   2篇
  1998年   2篇
  1997年   1篇
  1995年   2篇
  1994年   1篇
  1992年   2篇
  1991年   1篇
  1990年   2篇
  1989年   2篇
  1988年   3篇
  1987年   3篇
  1986年   1篇
  1985年   2篇
  1984年   1篇
  1983年   2篇
  1982年   1篇
  1980年   2篇
  1978年   1篇
  1976年   2篇
  1975年   1篇
  1974年   1篇
  1972年   1篇
  1971年   1篇
  1970年   1篇
  1967年   2篇
  1966年   1篇
  1965年   1篇
  1963年   1篇
  1962年   1篇
  1961年   1篇
  1960年   1篇
  1958年   1篇
  1946年   1篇
  1945年   1篇
排序方式: 共有100条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
2.
THE OBSERVER     
相似文献   
3.
For a number of decades now, scholars have been indicating that ties between citizens and parties are eroding. As a consequence, electoral behaviour has become more volatile and also more unpredictable. The consequences of this process of change on parties’ strategic behaviour have, however, received little attention. In this article, the impact of dealignment on parties’ strategic behaviour is examined, with the focus being on the extent to which parties are responsive to the mean voter. The expectation of dealignment allowing parties ‘to move around more freely’ leads to the hypothesis that parties are more responsive in a context of dealignment. The analyses provide evidence that is in line with this expectation. Ideological responsiveness is conditioned by the level of volatility in the electorate. The conclusion to draw from these results is that dealignment, which profoundly affects voters’ behaviour, leads parties to become more responsive to the mean voter.  相似文献   
4.
This article examines the responses of ministers facing high levels of blame in the press after serious failures in the public exam system for school-leavers in Scotland in 2000 and England in 2002. It develops a method for systematic analysis and comparison of the behaviour of officeholders facing blame, tests the hypothesis that ministers will accept personal culpability only after other ways of handling blame have been exhausted and uses time series intervention models to show how one can estimate the impact of strategies on the next day's blame level. The basic sequencing hypothesis is partially upheld by the observed behaviour in these cases, though many other kinds of blame responses do not display a clear sequence. The intervention analysis also raises questions about the claimed effectiveness of presentational strategies for managing blame.  相似文献   
5.
The 1999 Australian republic referendum was intended to finalise the nation-building process begun in the mid-nineteenth century and to exploit growing national consciousness in the wake of post-World War II cosmopolitan immigration and the 1988 bicentenary. Despite strong republican support recorded by opinion polls and a broadly favourable media climate the proposal to institute a republic was defeated. The article summarises the campaign and explores some of the reasons that have been advanced, including the part played by the prime minister, for its outcome; it concludes that 'the model' might have been a contributory factor, but probably not the sole explanation. A re-run is unlikely before the election of a sympathetic, probably Labor, government. The episode illustrates the immensity of the difficulty facing republicans in Britain where similarly favourable conditions are inconceivable in the foreseeable future.  相似文献   
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号