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Abstract

Despite shared historical experience and cultural proximity, the Visegrad group (V4) struggles to institutionalise its cooperation through stable mechanisms ensuring internal cohesion and external credibility. This is especially evident in the field of security and defence, which requires a shared strategic vision, in particular, common norms regarding the legitimate use of military force. While in the 1990s the four countries exhibited solidarity and unity in their collective ambition under the narrative of the ‘Return to Europe’, their general perception of security threats and strategic culture prevents deeper integration into a security community.  相似文献   
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The debate continues over whether salaried public defenders are more cost–effective than private practitioners. A three–year evaluation of the Edinburgh pilot office found that public defenders resolve cases at an earlier stage. Their clients were more likely to plead guilty at preliminary hearings, and less likely to hold out to the day of trial. This has the (so far unrealized) potential to save legal aid costs, and it inconvenienced fewer witnesses. But it also meant that public defenders had a higher conviction rate. Furthermore, in Scotland (unlike Canada) earlier pleas did not lead to lower sentences. Clients described public defenders as businesslike but felt less emotionally supported. Finally, the study showed that it is not easy to realize cost savings. Pilot offices, operating in the glare of publicity, incur some additional costs.  相似文献   
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This article determines the conditions under which theSouthern countries should act together, or separately, whilenegotiating with the North about climate change policy andabout the conditions for future Southern engagement. The papermodels the international negotiations with complete and withasymmetric information in a dynamic framework. Results showthat, depending on their characteristics, the differentplayers can obtain benefits delaying the moment of theagreement.  相似文献   
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The Journal of Technology Transfer - Firms often lack competences and capabilities for creation and commercialization of innovations. The solution to this problem lies in sharing or acquisition of...  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

The Dayton Peace Agreement ended the violence in Bosnia–Herzegovina, however, it also solidified antagonistic political identities leading to the creation of two social contracts: an ‘elite social contract’ involving primarily political elites of the main ethnic groups and an ‘everyday social contract’ involving ordinary citizens trying to manage a complex social and economic environment. The first social contract is hegemonic, however, alternative, non-nationalist views are slowly emerging. Grassroots groups, the surviving remnants of inter-ethnic coexistence, the integrating pull of market forces and the presence of a large diaspora all constitute resources for the creation of a resilient national social contract.  相似文献   
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Child welfare professionals in diverse positions are exposed to a variety of traumatic events including family violence and child abuse and neglect. This secondary exposure puts child welfare workers at the risk of experiencing Secondary Traumatic Stress (STS) and Vicarious Traumatization (VT). For the first time in Serbia, this study quantitatively investigates whether STS and VT are present in child welfare professionals employed in the social welfare centers, foster care and adoption agencies, residential care programs, and shelters for children and youth. It attempts to identify whether the type of service, time exposure to clients, and supervision function as risk or protective factors for negative outcomes. A convenience sample comprised of 135 child welfare professionals completed a series of self-reported measures. Findings indicate that VT and STS are present in this population. Differences in the presence of STS and VT were found according to the types of services offered and length of exposure. Contrary to expectations, supervision was not a protective factor with regards to STS and VT in this population.  相似文献   
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In the wake of the 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade, right-wing extremists portrayed the event as a threat to public morals, while liberals framed homophobia as a threat to democracy. While these moves managed to polarize and mobilize the public, the government didn’t heed their calls to adopt extraordinary measures. The Parade took place on 10 October and the extremists organized unchecked violent counter-demonstrations. By drawing on Securitization Theory, we triangulate content and discourse analysis to understand why these securitizing moves had a low success. Our analysis shows that although both moves followed the grammar of security, they were only partially embedded into the wider discursive context and were not enunciated by securitizing actors with strong positional power.  相似文献   
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