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This paper argues that most conceptualizations of citizenship limit the purview of the discourse to static categories. ‘Citizenship’ is commonly seen as an ideal type, presuming a largely legal relationship between an inidividual and a single nationstate - more precisely only one type of nation-state, the advanced capitalist postwar model. Alternatively, we suggest a re-conceptualization of citizenship as a negotiated relationship, one which is subject therefore to change, and acted upon collectively within social, political and economic relations of conflict. This dynamic process of negotiation takes place within a context which is shaped by gendered, racial and class structures and ideologies; it also involves international hierarchies among states. Citizenship is therefore negotiated on global as well as national levels. This conceptualization is demonstrated by way of identifying one particular set of experiences of negotiated citizenship, involving foreign domestic workers in Canada. As non-citizens originating from Third World conditions, this is a case involving women of colour workers, highly prone to abusive conditions, and under the direction of employers who are more affluent First World citizens and predominantly white women. Original survey data based on interviews with Caribbean and Filipino domestic workers in Canada are used to demonstrate the varied, creative and effective strategies of two distinctive groups of non-citizens as they attempt to negotiate citizenship rights in restrictive national and international conditions.  相似文献   
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The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child has advanced a model of active citizenry for children, which is difficult to reconcile with the still dominant Western notions of childhood that fetishize innocence and attribute passivity and incompetence to children. This article explores the manner in which state policy, Canadian courts, and children's politics in Canada have responded to the imaginary of the active child citizen. The Canadian government has provided limited political space to young people and has narrowly construed children's participation rights as limited to family law and juvenile justice. The reluctance of adult decision-makers to open up policy-making to the contributions of children has been further hindered by the current anti-democratic cast of neo-liberal governance. This article examines how quasi-judicial tribunals and the Canadian courts have invoked the Convention in their dealings with child asylum seekers, only to construct childhood participation and childhood protection as mutually exclusive. The article concludes with a brief exploration of the alternative model of children's citizenship revealed by the children's movement organization, Free the Children. In contrast to the relative failure of adult decision-makers to implement the participation rights of children, the contemporary children's movement advances a view of children as empowered, knowledgeable, compassionate and global citizens, who are nonetheless, like other marginalized groups, in need of special, group-differentiated protections.  相似文献   
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In this paper we unpack the concept of dual citizenship in relation to the meaning of sovereignty claims in situations of political exception. We take up two contending analytical frameworks to examine dual citizenship. The first framework examines dual citizenship as a human right, and makes liberal legal arguments about the increased rights and privileges afforded to dual citizens. The second framework, which we develop here, examines dual citizenship as a form of hierarchical citizenship, whose genealogy owes substantially to orientalist mythologies, and whose technologies of governance work through securitized state policies and practices of flexible sovereignty. As a form of hierarchical citizenship, dual nationality produces hyphenated citizenships that exist on a transnational plane, yet are always rooted in relations among particular nation-states. Some of the recent cases of extraordinary rendition, detention, and torture of dual national men of Muslim and Arab background will be discussed to illuminate the securitization and racialization of diplomatic protection. While citizenship is not a standard set of rights available to all, the cases we examine reveal that dual citizens with “dangerous” nationalities caught up within the post-9/11 security paradigm may find themselves as unprotected persons, existing in a vacuum devoid of diplomatic protection, human and citizenship rights.  相似文献   
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