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1.
Sommaire: Malgré I'abondance des écrits sur la haute fonction publique, une question aussi simple que le taux de satisfaction des ministres envers leurs hauts fonctionnaires n'a guère été traitke. Afin de contribuer à combler cette lacune, une série dentrevues auprès de 20 ministres de I'ancien gouvernement du Parti qutéebAcois a été conduite. Il a été demandéà ces anciens ministres s'ils avaient été satisfaits de leurs sous-ministres, et pourquoi. Au total, ils se sont déclarés satisfaits dans 43 cas et insatisfaits dans 10 cas, ce qui donne un taux de satisfaction de 81%. L'objectif du texte est dexpliquer ce taux de satisfaction. Il met en lumière les qualités que les ministres recherchent chez leurs hauts fonctionnaires, les causes des con flits et les raisons pour lesquelles la grande majorité des relations se vivent dans I'harmonie. La conclusion dégage les enseignements généraux pour une meilleure comprèhension de la relation entre le ministre et son haut fonctionnaire. Abstract: In spite of the abundance of literature dealing with the senior civil service, an issue as simple as the ministers' satisfaction rate regarding their senior civil servants has not been dealt with at all. A series of interviews with twenty ministers of the former Parti Québécois government was conducted in order to fill this gap. These former ministers were asked whether they had been satisfied with their deputy ministers and why. Overall, they said they had been satisfied in forty-three cases and dissatisfied in ten cases, which yields a satisfaction rate of 81 per cent. The purpose of the paper is tb explain this satisfaction rate. It highlights the qualities the ministers are looking for in their senior civil servants, the causes of conflict, and the reasons why the overwhelming majority of relationships are harmonious. The conclusion states the general principles for a better understanding of the relationship between the minister and his senior civil servant.  相似文献   
2.
Abstract

This study is an attempt to examine the Cubana airline crash in the light of political terrorism in the Caribbean. With respect to the selected case, the research endeavor will analyze the activities of the terrorists. In so doing, the writer will determine the category within which the Cubana airline disaster falls within Mickolus’ typology.1 In addition, the motivation of the terrorists as well as limited aspects of some of the legal issues that arose with regard to the Cubana crash are discussed. Finally, there is some attempt to determine the effects of the Cubana disaster on the Caribbean and on Barbados in particular.  相似文献   
3.
Legal limits on the psychoactive tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) content in Cannabis sativa plants have complicated genetic and forensic studies in this species. However, Cannabis seeds present very low THC levels. We developed a method for embryo extraction from seeds and an improved protocol for DNA extraction and tested this method in four hemp and six marijuana varieties. This embryo extraction method enabled the recovery of diploid embryos from individual seeds. An improved DNA extraction protocol (CTAB3) was used to obtain DNA from individual embryos at a concentration and quality similar to DNA extracted from leaves. DNA extracted from embryos was used for SSR molecular characterization in individuals from the 10 varieties. A unique molecular profile for each individual was obtained, and a clear differentiation between hemp and marijuana varieties was observed. The combined embryo extraction–DNA extraction methodology and the new highly polymorphic SSR markers facilitate genetic and forensic studies in Cannabis.  相似文献   
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Sommaire: Cette étude teste s'il est vrai, comme on l'a prétendu, que le gouvernement Mulroney a procédéà un remaniement sans précédent du personnel des sousministres lors de son premier mandat. Il s'agit d'établir si 1) le remaniement a été exceptionnellement important comparativement aux pratiques antérieures à l'arrivée des conservateurs et 2) si ce remaniement a marqué une politisation accrue des sous-ministres dans le sens que le gouvernement conservateur aurait donné la préférence aux hauts fonctionnaires qui partagent ses orientations idéologiques ou ses programmes d'action. Deux techniques d'enquête ont été mises à contribution: l'indice de mobilité des sous-ministres calculé en nombre de départs, nominations et mutations, et une série d'entretiens semi-directifs conduite auprès de hauts fonctionnaires et de responsables politiques. La conclusion est que les sous-ministres ont échappéà une politisation accrue de leur fonction même s'ils ont été soumis à un remaniement d'une ampleur exceptionnelle lors des deux premières années du mandat conservateur. Abstract: This study examines whether it is true, as some have claimed, that the Mulroney government did an unprecedented reorganization of the deputy ministers' staff during its first term. We had to determine whether the reorganization was exceptionally extensive as compared to the practices prior to the Conservatives, and whether that reorganization constituted greater politicization of the deputy ministers in the sense that the Conservative government would have given preference to senior officials who supported its ideology and action programs. Two investigative techniques were used: the mobility index of deputy ministers, based on the number of departures, appointments and transfers, and a series of semi-focused interviews with senior officials and politicians. The conclusion is that the deputy ministers escaped increased politicization of their role even though they underwent an exceptionally deep reorganization during the first two years of the Conservative mandate.  相似文献   
6.
Latin America has been at the forefront of the expansion of rights for same‐sex couples. Proponents of same‐sex marriage frame the issue as related to human rights and democratic deepening; opponents emphasize morality tied to religious values. Elite framing shapes public opinion when frames resonate with individuals’ values and the frame source is deemed credible. Using surveys in 18 Latin American countries in 2010 and 2012, this article demonstrates that democratic values are associated with support for same‐sex marriage while religiosity reduces support, particularly among strong democrats. The tension between democratic and religious values is particularly salient for women, people who live outside the capital city, and people who came of age during or before democratization.  相似文献   
7.
The delivery of forensic science evidence in a clear and understandable manner is an important aspect of a forensic scientist's role during expert witness delivery in a courtroom trial. This article describes an Integrated Evidence Platform (IEP) system based on spherical photography which allows the audience to view the crime scene via a virtual tour and view the forensic scientist's evidence and results in context. Equipment and software programmes used in the creation of the IEP include a Nikon DSLR camera, a Seitz Roundshot VR Drive, PTGui Pro, and Tourweaver Professional Edition. The IEP enables a clear visualization of the crime scene, with embedded information such as photographs of items of interest, complex forensic evidence, the results of laboratory analyses, and scientific opinion evidence presented in context. The IEP has resulted in significant improvements to the pretrial disclosure of forensic results, enhanced the delivery of evidence in court, and improved the jury's understanding of the spatial relationship between results.  相似文献   
8.
Sommaire. Cet article vise àévaluer les effets sur les systèmes politiques des interactions entre les partis de gouvernement élus et les administrations publiques, deux types très differents d'organisations complexes. Cette demarche trouve son intéirêt dans le fait que nous réalisons de plus en plus l'importance de l'aspect politique de l'activite administrative. Dans un premier temps, l'auteur expose comment des facteurs exteieurs a l'organisation de l'Etat ont favoris^ le pouvoir bureaucratique et affaibli le contr61e partisan. Par la suite, il pr6sente les conditions stratégiques d'action des divers acteurs gouverne-mentaux afin de d6gager les atouts et les handicaps respectifs du parti minist^-riel et des fonctionnaires. L'auteur conclut que le pouvoir bureaucratique recouvre bien autre chose que la seule superiority technique a laquelle on le resume trop souvent. II observe également une relation intime entre les limites de l'expansion bureaucratique et la capacity programmatique des partis de gouvernement. Abstract. This paper seeks to evaluate the effects on political systems of the interface between elected government parties and public administrations, two very different kinds of complex organization. This study is of interest in as far as we are increasingly aware of the importance of the political aspects of administrative activity. The manner in which factors external to state organizations have favoured bureaucratic power and weakened partisan control is discussed first. The author then presents the conditions for strategic action available to the various government players, with a view to discovering the respective assets and liabilities of the ministerial party and of the public servants. He concludes that bureaucratic power is far more than the mere technical superiority to which it is too frequently reduced. Finally, he notes the interrelation between the limits to bureaucratic expansion and the programming scope of the government parties.  相似文献   
9.
The diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder (APD) has undergone substantive revisions in the DSM III and DSM III-R criteria. Within the context of these modifications, the authors reviewed the current research and psychometric models of APD. They found considerable variability among these models which in turn appear to be only modestly correlated with DSM standards. Recommendations are offered to reduce symptom variations subsumed within APD and to explore a reformulation of APD for achieving greater congruence with research findings.  相似文献   
10.
Criticism of Supreme Court confirmation hearings has intensified considerably over the past two decades. In particular, there is a growing sense that nominees are now less forthcoming and that the hearings have suffered as a result. In this article, we challenge that conventional wisdom. Based on a comprehensive content analysis of every question and answer in all of the modern confirmation hearings—nearly 11,000 in total—we find only a mild decline in the candor of recent nominees. Moreover, we find that senators ask more probing questions than in the past, and that nominees are now more explicit about their reasons when they choose not to respond—two factors that may be fueling the perception that evasiveness has increased in recent years. We close with a discussion of the normative implications of our findings as well as an outline for future research into this issue.  相似文献   
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