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Law and Philosophy - 相似文献
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The Federal Election Campaign Act as passed in 1971 and amended in 1974represented landmark federal legislation. It imposed new restrictions oncampaign contributions and contained path-breaking provisions for the useof public funds to partially finance the campaigns of qualifyingpresidential candidates. The nominal intent of the legislation was torestrain the skyrocketing campaign costs and the feared abuses thatgrowing dependencies on such money engendered. Three decades later, withthe campaign spending ``arms race'' still raging. Congress sought toimpose further constraints on campaign spending with enactment of theBipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA). Competing theories ofgovernment regulation are reviewed to better understand the intent andlikely consequences of the 2002 legislation in particular and campaignfinance regulation in general. A simple model of the campaign spendingprocess highlights the likely causes of the rapid growth in campaignspending. Data and evidence are presented to test hypotheses concerningthe timing of and underlying motivations for BCRA. 相似文献
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Laura M. Argys Daniel I. Rees Dominic J. Brewer 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1996,15(4):623-645
Schools across the country are ending the practice of grouping students based on ability, in part, because of research indicating that tracking hurts low-ability students without helping students of other ability levels. Using a nationally representative survey conducted by the National Center for Education Statistics, (NCES) we reexamine the impact of tracking on high school student achievement through the estimation of a standard education production function. This approach allows us to control for the possibility that track is correlated with factors such as class size and teacher education. In addition, we address the possibility that there are unobserved student or school characteristics that affect both achievement and track placement. Our results indicate that abolishing tracking in America's schools would have a large positive impact on achievement for students currently in the lower tracks, but that this increase in achievement would come at the expense of students in upper-track classes. 相似文献
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Dominic Gascho R.T. Mária Marosi R.T. Michael J. Thali M.D. Eva Deininger-Czermak M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(4):1360-1364
Postmortem magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) is rarely used for the radiologic assessment of gunshot injuries, although it has clear advantages over postmortem computed tomography (CT) with regard to the imaging of soft tissue injuries. Another benefit in using MRI is that lodged projectiles composed of nonferromagnetic material such as lead present only marginal metal artifacts compared with severe artifacts on CT. This case report presents CT and MRI findings in a case with two gunshot wounds to the neck: a perforating wound and a nonperforating wound with a lead bullet lodged in the cervical spine. The decedent underwent CT and MRI before the scheduled autopsy. A ring of radiopaque material under the dermis in the fatty tissue was identified at both entrance wounds on CT, which was indicative of contact shots. The perforating gunshot was clearly indicated on CT by bullet fragments along the wound channel through the perforated 6th cervical vertebra and the fractured cricoid cartilage at the exit wound. The second trajectory, however, was only assumed based on the presence of gunshot residues at the entrance wound and the position of the lodged bullet. The radiologic assessment was severely impeded by the metal artifacts on CT. Barely noticeable metal artifacts on MRI allowed for clear visualization of the soft tissue injuries and the ruptured medulla oblongata. Only MRI clarified the soft tissue injuries of the brainstem noninvasively, which could provide specific and graphic information on the rapidity of death and the incapacitation of the victim. 相似文献
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Dominic Höglinger 《Swiss Political Science Review》2008,14(2):207-243
Dieser Aufsatz untersucht den Einfluss politisch‐institutioneller Kontextfaktoren auf die Artikulationschancen politischer Akteure in der Öffentlichkeit. Als empirische Grundlage dient eine Inhaltsanalyse der Schwangerschaftsabbruchdebatte in der Schweiz im Vergleich mit Deutschland und den USA über einen Zeitraum von drei Jahrzehnten. Es wird aufgezeigt, dass institutionell bedingte Machtdifferentiale ‐ vermittelt über mediale Selektionslogiken ‐ in hohem Masse die öffentliche Präsenz der Akteure, ihr mediales Standing, bestimmen. Dies benachteiligt insbesondere zivilgesellschaftliche Herausforderer, wie etwa soziale Bewegungen. Direktdemokratische Verfahren, so wird weiter argumentiert, wirken in der Schweiz diesem Effekt jedoch entgegen, indem sie den Aussenseitern Möglichkeiten zur Profilierung und Etablierung bieten. Davon profitieren ebenfalls die Parteien, welchen in der Schweiz ansonsten eine schwache institutionelle Stellung attestiert wird. Mit seinen Ergebnissen stützt der Aufsatz schliesslich die Forderung nach einer Kontextualisierung politischer Kommunikationsforschung im Sinne eines “institutional turn” und zeigt das Potenzial einer komparativen Vorgehensweise auf. 相似文献
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Evidence is found that state-level economic conditions played a significant role in the defeat of George Bush in the 1992 U.S. presidential election. Evidence is also found which indicates that the entrance of Ross Perot into the race as an independent candidate was not instrumental in the Bush loss. 相似文献