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The purpose of this article is to explore the emergence of single issue local authority associations as a response to the changing nature of the central-local government policy community in the past decade. The main theme of the article is that a gap has been created by the restructuring of local governance that neither individual local authorities nor the broad local authority associations are equipped to fill. Hence, new single issue local authority associations such as the Coalfield Communities Campaign , have been formed. They are necessitated by the unwillingness of broad local authority associations to preoccupy themselves with sectional and possibly divisive single issues and the inability of individual local authorities to command sufficient power within the policy community. As such they may well represent a fundamental change in the policy network, though it remains to be seen whether or not they will have a long-term role.  相似文献   
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Abstract Four competing explanations have emerged regarding restrictive rules in Congress. Informational theory claims that rules reduce information costs and facilitate committee specialization. The distributional perspective suggests that rules enforce legislative bargains and help members achieve gains‐from‐trade. Another claim is that rules increase the Rules Committee's independent influence over policy. Lastly, partisan theory asserts that rules are used to increase the majority party's influence over policy. Abstract This analysis tests these claims during the 97th, 98th, 104th, and 105th Congresses. The findings demonstrate that theoretical constructs developed in earlier analyses of special rules are not robust over time and across legislative contexts. The results refute majoritarian assertions that rules are used as informational devices. Similarly, little evidence supports the claim that Rules Committee preferences independently affect rule assignment. Instead, a partisan principal‐agent framework emerges as the most useful construct to explain procedural choice in the postreform House.  相似文献   
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Anthony Crosland is the outstanding revisionist in the history of the British Labour party and is often said to have been its most influential thinker since the Second World War. His unusual personality is evaluated in relation not only to his political ideas but also to his personal career.  相似文献   
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The rise and fall of presidential success in Congress remains a central puzzle in the literature. We model success as two interrelated processes: presidential position taking and Congress's decision to support or oppose the president. The analysis emphasizes the importance of strategic position taking in determining presidential success. We show that presidential approval significantly influences success, not only because it affects congressional behavior, but also because it shapes presidential decisions to take positions. Moreover, we explain that legislative success during the honeymoon period is driven by presidential position taking. Our findings highlight the role of a president's strategic decisions for theories explaining congressional‐executive relations.  相似文献   
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BRYAN VILA 《犯罪学》1994,32(3):311-360
A paradigm is presented for developing and extending Cohen and Machalek's evolutionary ecological theory of expropriative crime to encompass all criminal behavior. The paradigm uses well-understood concepts from evolutionary ecology to identify the scope and scale necessary for a holistic understanding of crime. It demonstrates how consistent empirical findings and insights from the many disciplines that study crime may be integrated into a single comprehensive theoretical framework. At the micro level, it explains how individual criminal behavior is influenced, but not determined, by systematic interactions between factors at ecological, individual, and societal levels over the life course. At the macro level, it explains the evolution of population-level characteristics such as the frequency and type of crime—and approaches to crime control—as the cumulative result of the behaviors of individuals and their interactions with one another and the environment. If the proposed relationships between domains of variables can be refined, it appears possible to develop a truly general theory of criminal behavior. Research and policy implications of this approach to understanding crime are discussed.  相似文献   
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