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There is an argument in academic circles that the implied dutyof mutual trust and confidence will evolve to form an all-embracingsuper-principle under which each of the more traditionalimplied duties will rest, including the employers impliedduty to exercise reasonable care for the welfare and well beingof the employee. The theme of this article is that, on balance,there is no evidence for the emergence of the implied duty ofmutual trust and confidence as a super-principle. If anything,the recent trends in the case law emphasise the distinctivenessof the employers duties to exercise reasonable care andtrust and confidence. The articles aim was to demonstratethat both duties are separate, free-standing duties, sittingon an equal plane in terms of importance. To rationalise one,or all of the implied duties (i.e. the duty to exercise reasonablecare and/or all of the other traditional duties),as one of the means by which the super-principle of trust andconfidence is, or may be expressed, is to a large extent, aspirational. 相似文献
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David M. J. Wood 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2006,25(1):63-82
Jorge Sanjinés' 1960s films Revolución and Ukamau challenge the class and ethnic hierarchies of Bolivian society by casting the proletarian and indigenous masses as revolutionary liberators. The new national imaginary they evoke is tightly bound to the experimental cinematic techniques they employ, since their rejection of rationalist, realist aesthetics signals a partial undermining of the linear time of the modern nation. Ukamau both recalls and resists previous Bolivian indigenismo, which sought to co‐opt the Indian into a national mestizo consciousness. Its exoticist portrayal of the Indian ultimately limits its political effectiveness, but textual and contextual analyses show subversive Indian agency leaking through. 相似文献
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Robert T. Nakamura Thomas W. Church Phillip J. Cooper 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1991,10(2):204-221
New York State experimented with replacing their litigation-oriented system for achieving toxic dump site cleanup with one promising to lower transaction costs through alternative dispute resolution. Our analysis of outcomes is informed by three generations of implementation work focusing on (1) the motivations and incentives shaping individual behavior, (2) the larger organizational and political factors associated with variation across cases, and (3) the generic properties of policy implements. This mosaic approach to explanation produces, we believe, a more lifelike picture of use to policy makers for understanding the dynamic and interrelated nature of their choices. 相似文献
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Jack H. Nagel 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1991,10(1):1-23
Investigative bodies and other observers have attributed much of the blame for the 1985 MOVE catastrophe in Philadelphia to ineffective management by the city's previously successful mayor, W. Wilson Goode. Goode's behavior toward the disruptive extremist group followed two patterns, both paradoxical: protracted delay followed by excessive haste, and arms-length action that contrasted sharply with his usual hands-on management style. Drawing on the theory of decisionmaking developed by Irving Janis and Leon Mann, this paper suggests that both paradoxes resulted from unresolved decisional conflicts that impeded responsible and rational handling of the problem. The case points to the value of devoting more attention to the psychology of decision-making in educating present and future public managers. 相似文献
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In a case of first impression, the Trademark Trial and AppealBoard of the US Patent and Trademark Office has held that theflavour orange is not registrable for use with quick-dissolvingantidepressant tablets and pills. 相似文献
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Criminologists have long debated the issue of how to define crime, and hence, the scope of criminological inquiry. For years,
some critical criminologists have argued for expanded definitions of crime that include harmful behaviors of the state that
may not be officially defined as criminal. Other critical criminologists have argued that existing legal frameworks may be
used to study varieties of state crime, and that defining the harmful actions of the state as criminal is important to help
mobilize public support for their control. In this paper, we first trace the historical development of these two perspectives,
and then offer a tentative solution to the seeming tension between these two perspectives. 相似文献