Lebanon’s Power-Sharing System and the Rise of Sectarianism

Power-sharing settlements intended to prevent recurring conflicts in divided societies have produced mixed outcomes. For decades, Lebanon’s power-sharing political system has been blamed for political instability, sectarian division, recurring conflicts, and foreign intervention. Lebanon today is an example of a confessional divided state where growing sectarian identity has triggered inter-community mistrust. The increasing sectarian division and conflicts since Lebanon gained its independence from France in 1943 has been attributed to the power-sharing political system.

This essay, however, demonstrates that the root of the conflicts is the manipulation of that system by the political elites, by virtue of their strategic positions in the government, and political sectarian organizations and movements are capable of influencing political processes considerably. Through manipulative schemes of the power-sharing system, political elites were successful in transferring the power from the state to the religious sects and their political representatives, and thus reinforced sectarian division, weakened the state, and delayed the transition to full democracy. This essay takes Lebanon as a case study to show that although a power-sharing agreement has the power to reduce the risk of recurring conflicts, it has the tendency to reinforce sectarian division leading to deterioration of national unity.     

Social Media’s Role in Peacebuilding and Post-Conflict Recovery

Armed conflict can have detrimental and profound effects on the social capital of people and communities affected by violence. Besides the destruction of economic and physical infrastructures, intrastate conflict fractures societies, destroys social capital, and exposes vulnerable populations to mental health disorders such as posttraumatic stress disorder. The restoration of social capital represents a major challenge in achieving sustainable peace in the vast majority of pluralistic societies that have suffered from past conflicts. The emphasis on the reconstruction of the physical infrastructure needed for the survival of agonized communities after a conflict can delay the restoration of social capital, which slows down the recovery process. As a result, the damaged social capital in post-conflict societies remains an obstacle in building sustainable peace. This essay highlights the influence of social media on the restoration of social and psychological capitals in post-conflict recovery.     

Pleading for a place in modern Egypt: negotiating poverty and patriarchy, 1908–1913

ABSTRACT

This paper examines the petitions of a poor woman, Jalila Sa?d, who sought educational opportunities and property from the Egyptian government between 1908 and 1913. Her interest in procuring a ‘place’ for her sons and her family in modernizing Egypt reflects the ways in which non-elites were able to participate in and move within the major physical and discursive public spaces of the era. This study argues that even those at the very edges of society were not categorically marginalized; rather, they were negotiating the dominant spatial hierarchies of their time in attempts to better their circumstances. This ability to navigate and participate in the prevailing discussions and institutions of the time demonstrates that even the most marginalized elements of Egyptian society were quite integrated into the project of ‘modern Egypt’, even if they did not always reap its benefits.     

Can Lebanon Survive Future Earthquake Disasters by Relying on a Military Response Strategy?

Inefficient responses by civilian emergency organizations during crises have prompted Lebanese authorities to rely on the military for disaster response operations. Although understandable, this reliance might be insufficient to achieve desirable response efficiency. This article demonstrates that neither civilian emergency organizations nor military forces can unilaterally and efficiently handle the response to large-scale disasters, such as earthquakes, without a major restructuring of the current emergency response management. Therefore, this article describes the potential role of the integration of the military and Hezbollah in future response operations and proposes a model to improve the efficiency of future response operations.