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Innovating upon previous field experiments and theories of identity‐based discrimination, we test whether public officials are using searches (“identity‐questing”) to profile citizens and acting on latent biases. Pairs of “institutional” and “noninstitutional” requesters send lower and moderate burden freedom of information (FOI) requests—providing no identity cues apart from undistinctive names, e‐mails, and ID numbers—to nearly 700 of Brazil's largest municipalities. Results show institutional requesters receive one‐fifth more responses than noninstitutional comparators. For moderate versus lower burden requests, noninstitutional requesters are 11% less likely to receive a compliant response than their institutional comparators. The only plausible explanation for these results is identity‐questing, a phenomenon that has far‐reaching policy implications. Most of the world's FOI laws, for example, contain vague ID obligations, which translate incoherently from laws to regulation and practice. Results enjoin public service providers to protect the identities of citizens by default or upon request. 相似文献
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Karina Mostert 《Journal of criminal justice》2006,34(5):479
The objective of this study was to assess whether background variables, job stress, and personality traits could predict the work-related well-being (burnout and work engagement) of police members. A cross-sectional survey design was used. Stratified random samples (N = 1,794) were taken of police members of eight provinces in South Africa. The Maslach Burnout Inventory-General Survey, Utrecht Work Engagement Scale, Police Stress Inventory, and Personality Characteristics Inventory were administered. The results showed that age, gender, and race explained a small percentage of the variance in exhaustion, cynicism, and vigor/dedication. Stress because of job demands and a lack of resources predicted exhaustion and cynicism. Emotional stability and conscientiousness inversely predicted exhaustion and cynicism, while emotional stability, conscientiousness, and extraversion predicted vigor and dedication. Stress because of job demands predicted only a small percentage of the variance in vigor and dedication. 相似文献
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Edna S. Miazato Iwamura José Arnaldo Soares-Vieira Marcelo Souza Silva Karina S. Funabashi Carla D. Godoy Daniel Romero Muñoz 《Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series》2009,2(1):167-168
The possibility of studying DNA extracted from archival of formalin fixed tissue included in paraffin (FFTIP) enables valuable retrospective investigations. However, according to some authors it is difficult to obtain genomic DNA of good quality, since the process of fixation often results in fragmentation of DNA. In order to evaluate the quality and quantity of DNA extracted, necropsy samples of FFTIP (spleen/lung) and hairs, with or without bulbs, were analyzed using three methods of extraction (QIAamp DNA mini, QIAamp DNA micro-kit and phenol–chloroform followed by microcon YM-30). The amount of DNA recovered was quantified by spectrophotometer. The β-actin, amelogenin gene and the profiles of STR were analyzed. Based on experimental results, a general guideline concerning the appropriate extraction method according to the tissue and the quantity of the starting material for the analysis of DNA from FFTIP and hairs could be suggested. 相似文献
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Karina Kosiara-Pedersen 《West European politics》2020,43(4):1011-1022
AbstractThe 2015–2019 election period was long; hence, the election campaign had already begun when the Prime Minister called the election for 5 June 2019, just 10 days after the EP election. Nine already established parties, one old yet unrepresented party and three new parties, two of which are (very) opposed to immigration, fielded candidates across the 10 electoral districts for the 175 seats in parliament (excluding the four MPs elected in Greenland and the Faroe Islands). The overlapping EP election, climate and immigration characterised the campaign agenda. One of the new (anti-immigration) parties made it into parliament, and among the established parties, some were (more than) halved, others were (more than) doubled and some remained stable. In particular, the two government (supporting) parties, Liberal Alliance and Danish People’s Party, received a slap in the face from the electorate. While the Prime Minister’s party, the Liberals, did well, the majority shifted to left of centre, which resulted in a minority Social Democratic government headed by Mette Frederiksen, supported by the Red?Green Alliance, Socialist People’s Party and Social Liberals. 相似文献
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