排序方式: 共有17条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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Attila Tasnádi 《Public Choice》2008,134(3-4):293-305
The Hungarian mixed-member electoral system, adopted in 1989, is one of the world’s most complicated electoral systems, and, as this paper demonstrates, it suffers from the “population paradox.” In particular, the governing coalition may lose as many as 8 seats either by getting more votes or by the opposition obtaining fewer votes on each territorial list. 相似文献
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Attila Harmathy 《Acta Juridica Hungarica》2000,40(3-4):159-167
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Anikó Lajtai M.Sc. Mátyás Mayer Pharm.D. Ágnes Lakatos Ph.D. Zoltán Porpáczy Ph.D. Attila Miseta M.D. D.Sc. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(2):573-575
Tanax®(T‐61) is a euthanasia solution commonly used in veterinary medicine in Europe. It consists of three active components: embutramide, mebezonium iodide, and tetracaine hydrochloride. Human consumption of Tanax®(T‐61) is usually associated with suicide attempts. In our 15‐year‐long practice, embutramide was detected only three times but within a short period. First, it was found in the urine of a 42‐year‐old veterinarian, and the other two observations were made in a 16‐year‐old young man. Urine samples were analyzed using Shimadzu Prominence TOX.I.S.II. HPLC–DAD system with online SPE extraction system. Both of the two patients denied any intention to die. These cases show that this veterinary drug may also be considered as potential drugs of abuse. 相似文献
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Attila Ágh 《欧亚研究》2010,62(8):1239-1266
This article focuses on the ‘globalisation-cum-regionalisation’ process in the European Union that has led to the emergence of functional macro-regions. It provides first a classification of regionalisation, and describes the organisational and mental barriers of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). The second part traces the shift of the ENP from the South to the East that has also activated the EU's pre-accession policy in the West Balkan region and the Eastern Partnership programme. Finally, it argues that the Baltic Strategy and the Danube Strategy as functional macro-regions are the main instruments to overcome the weaknesses of the incentive-based approach in the EU's conditionality (or, as it is described here, its ‘carrot crisis’). 相似文献
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Attila Fenyves 《wohnrechtliche bl?tter: wobl》2008,21(9):260-264
Der OGH hat nunmehr bereits in zwei Entscheidungen die Auffassung vertreten, dass § 29 Abs 2 MRG nicht auf Wohnungsmietverh?ltnisse
anwendbar ist, die zwar auf unbestimmte Zeit geschlossen werden, aber auf bestimmte Zeit mit einem Kündigungsverzicht des
Mieters versehen sind. Der nachfolgende Beitrag erbringt den Nachweis, dass diese Auffassung mit dem Anliegen nicht vereinbar
ist, das § 29 Abs 2 MRG verfolgt. 相似文献
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Attila Ágh 《West European politics》2013,36(3):89-112
The current period of early consolidation has been a turning point in East‐Central European democratisation. It has provoked, however, a majoritarian‐consensual debate, first of all in Hungary, as is discussed in this article in a shorter theoretical and in a longer ‘empirical’ part. The introduction deals with the conceptual framework, followed by its application as a Hungarian case study in an East‐Central European context. It is argued that Hungary may be the model for the competing conceptions of democracy in political practice, since (i) an extended version of consensual democracy was established in the early 1990s but opposed by the first government; (ii) there was an attempt by the second government to complete consensual democracy but it failed; (Hi) an abrupt turn was made towards majoritarian democracy in the late 1990s by the third government. In Hungary there has been a long debate on majoritarian versus consensual democracy, involving politicians, experts and the general public. Finally, some broad conclusions can be drawn about the troubles of the young democracies. 相似文献
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Anita Talberg Peter Christoff Sebastian Thomas David Karoly 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2018,18(2):229-253
Geoengineering—the deliberate interference in the climate system to affect global warming—could have significant global environmental and social implications. How to shape formal geoengineering governance mechanisms is an issue of debate. This paper describes and analyses the geoengineering governance landscape that has developed in the absence of explicit geoengineering regulation. An Earth System Governance perspective provides insight into the formation of norms resulting from an overlap in international treaties and from the actions of engaged non-state agents. Specifically, the paper explores the instruments and actors having effect in existing formal and informal geoengineering governance mechanisms. It finds that geoengineering is subject to a form of ‘governance-by-default’. This is due to a situation in which state actors have not resolved the tension between two legal norms: that of ‘precaution’ and that of ‘harm minimisation’. This governance-by-default is characterised by uneven regulation from existing multilateral agreements established for other purposes, an absence of regulation specifically focused on geoengineering, guidance from an international ambition to hold global average warming below 2 °C and to achieve net-zero emissions in the second half of the century, and strong normative engagement by the research community. Governance-by-default is likely to be a stopgap development until more enduring and focused governance emerges. 相似文献
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Attila Badó 《International Journal of the Legal Profession》2017,24(3):259-274
Hungarian judicial selection has been characterised by meritocratic and nepotic elements since the 1990 regime change which are indirectly distorted by change, albeit to a relatively reduced extent, to political aspects. Scores of Hungarian and foreign experts have evaluated the measures of the justice reform put in place after the 2010 change of government as being about a series of successive measures to politicise the judiciary from the creation of the new constitution to legislation regarding the justice system. In this study it has been demonstrated that regarding the initial phase of judicial selection the gradual strengthening of meritocratic elements may be observed, which continued after 2010 as well. First and foremost, it may be traced in the more objective system of evaluating judicial applications. The possibilities for discretionary decisions by heads of administration have been considerably restricted in the selection of judges. At the same time, however, the competences of heads of administration entitled to make appointments have been broadened upon filling court management positions. 相似文献