MPs Go Back to Their Constituencies

The growth of the constituency role of MPs has been well documented since the 1960s, in particular the focus on casework. There are clear conventions that MPs should represent all their constituents and should not purport to represent other constituencies. Recent research indicates that these rules are under strain with the advent of devolution and the use of IT such as databases, emails and blogs. More generous allowances enable MPs to employ greater numbers of personal staff to process constituency casework. Parties favour this development, as simultaneously assisting with the permanent campaign and removing potential dissent from Parliament. The incumbency effect is now evident, as MPs believe that assiduous attention to constituents can save their seats. Parliaments are under pressure to improve the capacity of their members, but also to avoid inappropriate use of funds to influence the outcome of elections.     

PREFABS: A STUDY IN POLICY-MAKING

This article examines the administrative process which led to the construction of 160,000 prefabs between 1946 and 1948. The links of industrialists with government, the influence of Churchill, the rivalry between the key Ministries of Works and Health, and an influx of enthusiasts for prefabrication into the administration, all had their part to play in the adoption of the prefab programme. Implementation, however, involved unforeseen delays and expense, and a major unintended consequence was a move against increased centralization of public house-building. The prefab programme was one of the first examples of the dangers of relying on technology as a solution to housing shortage, but the manner in which this badly planned and expensive panacea made its appearance also illustrates how far policy-making in practice falls short of the ideal 'rational' model. Instead of choosing between conflicting policy options the wartime government preferred to pursue a number of them simultaneously.