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Sabri Sayari 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):198-215
During the late 1970s, Turkey experienced a major campaign of political terrorism that was waged by a multiplicity of leftist, ultranationalist, and separatist groups. Between 1976 and 1980, more than 5000 people lost their lives in hundreds of terrorist incidents. The steady escalation of violence amidst a major political and economic crisis undermined the country's fragile democratic system and paved the way for a military coup in September 1980. This study examines the origins and growth of the terrorist movement in Turkey, the main characteristics of political violence, and the causes of the dramatic escalation of terrorism in the late 1970s. The study suggests that although state-sponsored terrorism against Turkey facilitated the rapid proliferation of leftist, rightist, and separatist armed extremist groups, the drift into total terrorism was largely the product of domestic political and social developments. 相似文献
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Osman Sabri Kiratli 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2016,29(2):636-659
Through a textual analysis of national election manifestos, this paper critically discusses political parties' discourses towards Europe and European integration in three European Union (EU) member states: Germany, which has always promoted further integration; the United Kingdom, which has consistently been a keen supporter of intergovernmentalism; and finally the Netherlands, one of the original six and a willing, yet cautious, supporter of supranational cooperation. By analysing how political parties frame European integration in their discourses, we aim to investigate the variance in national political cultures with respect to identity and self-identification with Europe as a determining factor of support for the process. This paper concludes that although European integration is structured around a framework of interests in all the six party discourses under analysis, the construction of national identities and hence the articulation of national interest in EU membership as well as the visions for the political structure of the union varies significantly. 相似文献
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Sabri Sayarı 《South European society & politics》2016,21(2):263-280
AbstractTurkey’s snap parliamentary election in November 2015 took place in an environment of growing political violence and terrorism resulting from the renewal of the Kurdish conflict in the southeast and two major suicide bombings carried out by Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Presenting the coalition arithmetic, the article first examines the failure to form a government after the previous election five months earlier. It then examines the campaign for the November election, including party strategies, key issues and the role of the media, before analysing the results and the election winners and losers. In restoring a parliamentary majority for the Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi (Justice and Development Party – AKP) that has governed Turkey continuously for the past 13 years, the November election marked the basic continuity of Turkey’s predominant party system. 相似文献
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Given the large number of adolescents who have externalizing behavior problems and the increasing ethnic heterogeneity in many societies, it is important to examine whether the mechanisms underlying externalizing behavior are different among diverse groups. We specified separate models for ethnic groups and tested whether gender moderated the effect of victimization experiences and parent–child characteristics on externalizing behavior. The sample included 167 Latino and 625 White adolescents ages 10–17. For Latino adolescents, parental physical assault was related to more externalizing behavior for males and for females. More parental conflict and more criticism were related to less externalizing behavior for Latino females but not for Latino males. For White adolescents, all types of victimization (by parents, by siblings, by peers, witnessing domestic assault) and more parental conflict were related to more externalizing for males and for females. More monitoring was related to less externalizing behavior for White males but not for White females or for Latino adolescents. The intersection of ethnicity and gender may be important when examining adolescents’ externalizing behavior. 相似文献
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In this article, we examine the patterns of civic engagement in non-democratic and democratizing polities of the Arab world. The theoretical argument incorporates two perspectives: modernization theory and utilitarianism. Specifically, we use wasta-seeking behaviour and indicators of human capital and citizen empowerment to explain the micro-level foundations of civic engagement. We build on the implications of these approaches to explain the civic gender gap and women's status in Arab societies. The results of a series of multivariate estimations using the first wave of the Arab Barometer Survey show that clientelistic behaviour along with higher levels of education and employment status explain citizens' involvement in various forms of civic activities. We argue that the former helps sustain traditional authoritarian structures and the latter may help democratization by strengthening civil society. We also detect a civic gender gap and find that citizen empowerment and modernization may narrow this gap in accordance with the democratic norms whereas utilitarian behaviour may generate a similar effect to indirectly undermine the status of women. These findings provide new insights about the complex interdependence of human development, clientelistic networks, women's status, and democratization in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. 相似文献
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Turkey’s experience with economic reforms and democratization since the early 1980s underscores the importance of the political
parties and the party systems in the interactions between these two processes. The country’s experience with democratic politics
and a multiparty system made a significant contribution to the resumption of electoral politics and redemocratization following
three years of military rule in the early 1980s. However, the opening up of the political space and the reemergence of competitive
party politics ultimately created problems for the successful completion of the economic reforms, as one-party dominance and
majority-party governments gave way to fragmentation in the party system with weak coalition governments. The Turkish case
is instructive of the difficulties facing countries that seek to simultaneously consolidate their democracies and liberalize
their economies.
Sabri Sayari is executive director of the Institute of Turkish Studies and research professor at Georgetown University’s School
of Foreign Service. He has written extensively on Turkey’s domestic politics and foreign policy, and on issues related to
political development, parties and party systems, and democratization. 相似文献
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Public Choice - We analyze the differences in the socioeconomic profiles between suicide terrorists and ‘regular’ militants using a dataset of 1596 militants (including 209 suicide... 相似文献
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Sabri Ciftci 《Democratization》2018,25(7):1132-1152
This study examines the micro foundations of political support in Arab polities. Most Arab states rank highly in aggregate human development or economic wealth, but they lag behind in democracy defying the predictions of modernization theory. Modernization and human development perspective implies that increased resources and self-expression values will induce critical political outlooks toward the regime. This study questions the applicability of this theory to the Arab region and proposes that colonial state formation history, international patron–client relations, and the domestic patronage networks have more leverage in explaining regime support in the Arab region. A series of multilevel and fixed effects regression estimations utilizing the Arab Democracy Barometer reveal that modernization perspective has some relevance. However, world system theory inspired patron–client perspective and loyalty generation through domestic distributive mechanisms play a greater role in shaping political attitudes. The results provide important insights about micro foundations of Arab authoritarianism and the differential utility of emancipative values formed in the context of hierarchical world order. 相似文献