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1.
In the Palestinian case, the police officers tried to provide some requirements and undertake some development initiatives. The issue of accountability was the most important part of them. Therefore, this research provides an assessment and analysis for the issue of accountability in the Palestinian police. It aims to identify the relationship and impact on the development of police performance. The researchers used a questionnaire for this purpose, which was distributed to a sample of 332 police personnel in the four largest police departments in the West Bank. The SPSS software was used to analyze the data. The results indicated that the elements of the Palestinian police system are subject to accountability through clear structures, mechanisms, procedures, and standards from inside and outside of the system. This system of accountability has a clear impact on the development and improvement of the performance of police elements. 相似文献
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Nabil Ahmed Sultan 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1993,19(4):379-393
Sizable migration of workers from North Yemen to other Gulf nations, beginning in the 1960s and continuing through the 1980s, produced a large influx of funds into the nation in the form of workers' remittances. This produced a general rise in living standards and improved balance-of-payment statistics, but also greatly increased corruption as poorly-paid officials struggled to make a living in the inflated economy and private parties sought to circumvent economic regulations. Reform efforts met with apathy or even violence, and corruption eventually reached systematic if not systemic levels. Many Yemeni migrants have recently been repatriated in the wake of the Gulf War. Whether or not this will reduce corruption depends upon many factors, such as the activities of the nation's increasingly independent press and the successful exploitation of oil and gas reserves. 相似文献
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This paper attempts to test the power of the median model againstthe respective strength of other alternate models based onredistributive, political-institutional and interest group theoriesin explaining the demand for public spending in New York statecounties during 1990, 1980 and 1970. To execute the comparison ofthe performance of median voter model with that of each of thenonmedian voter ones, various nonnested tests such as J and JAtests, N-tilde, W and encompassing tests have been employed.Results of the study show that although the median voter model hasa marginal edge over the rival models based on the alternativetheories, it may not be relied upon solely when many otherinstitutional, redistributive and interest group factors are alsorelevant for explaining public spending. The results of this studydiffer from those in Congleton and Bennett (1995). We do not findthat interest group models are substantially weaker than the medianvoter model. 相似文献
4.
Researching in contexts affected by armed conflict presents many challenges beyond those normally encountered by social scientists. Focusing on these special difficulties has, in the past, often obstructed the task of understanding the methods that are applicable to situations of armed conflict. This paper aims to suggest a means of rectification. First, it introduces some of the particular issues that relate to field research under conditions of armed conflict and, second, it suggests a possible strategic approach to mitigating these. Overall, it is argued that a creative combination of different methods and techniques, broadly termed 'the composite approach', represents the most effective way of dealing with the challenges that working in a conflict-affected situation presents. 相似文献
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Approaches to conflict assessment remain stuck in the late 1990s. Methodological tools are overwhelmingly geared toward development actors. Significant policy evolution—driven by experiences in practice—over the last decade, along with progress in research on conflict and instability, powerfully suggests the need for analytical tools that are both truly joint—involving all relevant departments—and capable of embracing all major aspects of conflict causation and drivers of state fragility. Based on a review conducted for DFID and taking the UK as a case in point, this article outlines the key issues, challenges and requirements involved in operationalising genuinely joint analysis. There are positive signs that the UK government is serious about its commitment to integrated approaches in conflict-affected and fragile states, as demonstrated by development of the new Joint Analysis of Conflict and Stability (JACS). Crucially, this must be backed up by a shared understanding of the context that is theoretically informed, process savvy, empirically grounded and geared toward addressing the key issues identified in domestic and international policy. 相似文献
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Quintana-Murci L Bigham A Rouba H Barakat A McElreavey K Hammer M 《Forensic science international》2004,140(1):113-115
Twelve Y-chromosomal short tandem repeats (STRs), DYS19, DYS385, DYS389I, DYS389II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393, DYS388, DYS426 and DYS439 were typed in Berber-speaking (n=49) and Arabic-speaking (n=60) population samples from Morocco. 相似文献
8.
Filiz Adana Hülya Arslantaş Filiz Ergin Necla Biçer Nilüfer Kıranşal Sultan Şahin 《Journal of family violence》2011,26(7):519-526
Social gender roles refer to the roles that are traditionally associated with women and men. Social gender role includes the
personal attributes and behaviors which are culturally assigned to women and men. This study was conducted to determine the
views of male students at Caucasian University Health School on social gender roles at work, social life, marriage, and family
life. The study was conducted on male students studying at Kars Health School, Nursing and Health Officers Department during
2007–2008 academic year. The students were given 24 statements relating to work life, social life, marriage, and family life
to determine their views on social gender roles. Results indicated that 30.2% of the male students stated that women could
work in a paid job, 56.9% believed in equality of women and men, 44.8% approved honor killing, 40.5% said the girls should
receive education as far as they can go, 54.3% said the role of the women was to “provide moral support to their husband and
children”, 37.1% stated that husbands could beat their wives under certain circumstances, 52.6% said they witnessed violence
in their family at some stage of their lives, 51.7% said the women’s environment should be decided by the spouses together,
25% said the women should engage in sexual intercourse with their spouses even if they did not want to. Men who thought the
role of the women was to do housework/giving birth to children/looking after the elderly members of the house, and who approved
honor killing and disapproved working of their spouses, and who did not believe in equality of women and men, were found to
support violence to women by men. Moreover, the students who witnessed violence at some stage of their lives supported this
view as well. It was considered that the students should be educated on the definition of violence and situations involving
violence, and directed to consultant services. 相似文献
9.
Sultan Barakat Sansom Milton Ghassan Elkahlout 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2018,12(2):208-227
This article examines the Gaza Reconstruction Mechanism (GRM) – the main institutional mechanism regulating the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip since the 2014 war. Proponents of the GRM hold that it is a crucial lifeline enabling the entry of humanitarian and reconstruction goods into Gaza while assuaging Israel’s security concerns. In contrast, this article argues that the GRM has introduced a bureaucratic and cumbersome mechanism that has created new bottlenecks that are impeding effective reconstruction and have institutionalized and depoliticized the siege of the Gaza Strip by passing the responsibility for its maintenance on to the international community. 相似文献
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