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JOEL E. BROOKS 《管理》1992,5(3):342-357
This article provides a comparative analysis of abortion policies for 21 countries in Western Europe and North America. First, after briefly discussing the historical evolution of abortion attitudes and policies, a typology of current abortion laws is presented. Second, the mode of determining abortion policy is compared — judicial (Germany, Canada), legislative (Britain, France), and direct democracy (referenda in Italy, Ireland). Third, the question of abortion policy implementation is considered. In other words, does the legal status of abortion really make a difference regarding the pattern of availability and use of abortion services? Fourth, potential explanatory variables (left-wing party strength, feminism, Catholicism) regarding the content and process of abortion policies is evaluated. 相似文献
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This article explores the connection between political process, performance, and outcomes. It lays out a set of key analytic distinctions (exogenous versus endogenous effects, micro versus macro level effects and influences, design and chance, and structures versus people) and then looks at conceptual problems in defining governmental outcomes, performance, and process. It gives extended attention to the criteria of effective governance and to the complex relationship of performance, values, and effectiveness, with emphasis on the prospects for improving governmental performance by manipulating modes of governance. 相似文献
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Competence is a frequently used but complex concept. This article explores various recent uses of the concept, with particular attention to political conditions favoring an emphasis on neutrality or responsiveness. We close with a brief comparative analysis of the quest for responsiveness in administration. 相似文献
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JOEL FEINBERG 《Ratio juris》1988,1(1):83-95
Abstract. The author questions himself about what is known as "the paradox of blackmail," that is, the fact that blackmail is the result of the combination of two ways of behaving which are often both lawful if taken individually, but unlawful once they are connected. The author also examines whether the harm principle typical of liberal orders provides the justification (the rationale) for the assumption of blackmail as a crime, or whether it is instead necessary to turn to another justificatory basis: the exploitation principle. However, as this principle leads to legal moralism, it opposes a liberal ethics. Thus, one is faced with the dilemma of either accepting the harm principle thus decriminalizing blackmail, or accepting the exploitation principle and going against principles of liberalism. To escape this dilemma the author distinguishes between various types (five categories) of blackmail, concluding that only non-paradoxical types fit the common-sense expectation of criminalization. 相似文献
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This article examines the relationship between persistent demands for "access to justice" and the relatively low yield of court-oriented social reform strategies. Access to justice has a symbolic attraction which is impossible to deny. Access may not insure justice or social reform, but it is an important political resource from which strategic bargaining advantages may flow. But the importance of the right to participate may be inversely related to its utilization. Beyond a certain level, expanded access may be costly. Its deterrent qualities may be diminished, and the legal system, when overloaded, may be unable to insure delivery of justice. 相似文献
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