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This article examines the incidences of Islamic radicalisation and violence in Ghana. It explores socio-economic and political dynamics, doctrinal and interpretational differences as sources of Islamic radicalisation and violence among the three major religious groups, namely, Al-tijaniyya Movement, Ahlussunna Waljama'a and Ahmadiyya Movement. The paper further explores how diverse factors such as preaching methodologies, external financial support, the presence of a youth bulge and different doctrinal and interpretational approaches to the concept of jihad serve as drivers of radicalisation and possible mutation into violence. Based on extensive empirical research, it argues that, while identified trends, intensity and frequency of incidences of radicalisation and violence among the three religious groups are, first and foremost, motivated by a struggle for doctrinal pre-eminence, they also have the tendency to undermine national peace and security.  相似文献   
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This article analyses the issue of small arms and light weapons (SALW) proliferation in both Ghana and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Specifically, it assesses the extent to which both Ghana and ECOWAS have ‘securitised’ this particular issue through an initial ‘voluntary’ instrument first in 1998 and extended in 2001 until the signing in June 2006 of a legally and politically binding ECOWAS Convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons, their Ammunition and Other Related Materials. To do so, the article begins by setting out the scope and a brief history of the SALW problem in West Africa. It then focuses specifically on Ghana in order to illustrate some the challenges and dilemmas in dealing with this threat. The following section deals with ECOWAS and the challenges of SALW. It analyses and traces the discourses and processes of transforming the availability of SALW into a ‘security problem’ by providing some of the official language used to discuss this issue. Subsequently, an examination is undertaken of Ghana and the challenge of SALW as an illustrative case, especially given the extent of indigenous manufacture. Such recognition of the dangers of SALW proliferation has resulted in a raft of legislation criminalising both the manufacture and possession of small arms but with minimal impact. The article explains the resilience of SALW manufacture and trafficking through a social capital approach. In the concluding section, it explores the differing perceptions of SALW and security and points to the apparent schism between state and community perceptions of the level of threat posed by SALW.  相似文献   
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Countries around the world are investing in the improvement of policy capacity in their public services. Ghana has made similar investments during the last decade, in order to achieve the government's far‐reaching policy agenda of transforming Ghana's economy. The Ghana Central Governance Project was initiated during the year 2000 in order to develop a skilled civil service, capable of moving coherently and effectively from policy and strategy to detailed policy options, budgeted programs and concrete results. This reform was deemed essential to the realization of the government's ambitious agenda.  相似文献   
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Kwesi Aning  Fiifi Edu-Afful 《圆桌》2017,106(4):375-391
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This article adds historical and empirical insights to the ongoing global debate on peace operations in francophone contexts, by providing a historical analysis of Ghana’s participation in francophone peacekeeping operations, with a special focus on Côte d’Ivoire. It investigates the interrelationship between anglo-francophone African peace operations and its implications for negotiating colonial discourses and barriers and as a means to promoting deeper regional integration. The paper argues that the fundamental reasons behind the difficulties experienced by Ghanaian peacekeepers in francophone peacekeeping theatres, especially in the case of Côte d’Ivoire, resulted from the differences in culture, language, ethnic proximity and regional politics. We demonstrate in our discussions that solving the language problem, for instance, will foster better understanding and cooperation, but also fast-track and contribute to effective regional peacekeeping efforts and facilitate the establishment of the elusive regional standby force.  相似文献   
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