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"Brain death," the determination of human death by showing the irreversible loss of all clinical functions of the brain, has become a worldwide practice. A biophilosophical account of brain death requires four sequential tasks: (1) agreeing on the paradigm of death, a set of preconditions that frame the discussion; (2) determining the definition of death by making explicit the consensual concept of death; (3) determining the criterion of death that proves the definition has been fulfilled by being both necessary and sufficient for death; and (4) determining the tests of death for physicians to employ at the patient's bedside to demonstrate that the criterion of death has been fulfilled. The best definition of death is "the cessation of functioning of the organism as a whole." The whole-brain criterion is the only criterion that is both necessary and sufficient for death. Brain death tests are used only in the unusual case in which a patient's ventilation is being supported. Brain death critics have identified weaknesses in its formulation. But despite its shortcomings, the whole-brain death formulation comprises a concept and public policy that make intuitive and practical sense and that has been well accepted by many societies.  相似文献   
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The viability of the thesis that liberalization and democracy foster peace, security and development is at stake. The main critique is that more liberties and elections lead to more conflict and abuses of power. There are three principal responses to this critique. The liberal argument calls for improving the democratic institutions; the institutions first thesis prioritizes strengthening the rule of law and state capacity over democracy; whilst the transformation argument proposes using fledgling democracy to foster gradually more favourable relations of power and popular capacity towards more substantial democracy. This article analyses the relevance of these theses to the remarkable dynamics of peace-building in Aceh, from the introduction of Indonesian democracy in 1998, the impact of the tsunami in 2004 and the Helsinki peace agreement in 2005 to the general elections in 2009. The study concludes that the liberal argument is congruous with the democratic opportunities for peace, while the institutions first and the transformation arguments give prominence to the dynamics that made peace-building possible but also difficult. While the institutions first argument responds to these difficulties by resorting to power sharing, the transformation thesis proposes more citizen participation coupled with interest and issue group representation.  相似文献   
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Resilience research requires attention to the factors that promote youth development and success. Youth success is associated with youth having adults in their lives who care about them and set high expectations for them to succeed; oftentimes these adults are presumed to be the children's parents. Because youth spend a great deal of time in schools, school settings may be a place where youth resilience can be fostered. In 2004, 6th-grade youth in 5 schools in Maricopa County, Arizona, were surveyed to determine if they had factors to promote their resilience. In these schools, teachers had been trained by an agency called Kids at Hope. Kids at Hope presupposes that “all children are capable of success, no exceptions” and offers an alternative paradigm to kids at risk. The results of this research show that youth who believe that they are successful and who are optimistic about themselves and their schools are more likely to find their schools to be places where they can be successful and optimistic.  相似文献   
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This article studies gubernatorial midterm slumps in U.S. state legislative elections. We employ a regression discontinuity design, which allows us to rule out the hypothesis that the midterm slump simply reflects a type of “reversion to the mean” generated by simple partisan swings or the withdrawal of gubernatorial coattails or “anticipatory balancing.” Our results show that the party of the governor experiences an average seat‐share loss of about 3.5 percentage points. We also find evidence suggesting that a large share of the variation in gubernatorial midterm slumps can be accounted for by (1) crude partisan balancing and (2) referendums on state economic performance, with approximately equal weight given to each.  相似文献   
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As in many other countries, the Swedish legislation on compulsory psychiatric care has been revised several times during the last four decades. Great regional differences within the country in the use of compulsory psychiatric care have been reported. The aims of this study were to describe the development of compulsory psychiatric care in Sweden 1979-2002, and to analyse differences between two groups of counties, one group with high and one with low civil commitment rates, in terms of psychiatric care structure, resources and processes. Data on civil commitments and forensic psychiatric care in Sweden 1979-2002 were collected from public statistics. At least one responsible person in leading position (administrative manager or chief psychiatrist) in each of the included counties was interviewed. The total number of involuntarily hospitalised patients decreased about 80% between censuses in 1979 and 2002, but the rates of forensic patients were unchanged. No clear-cut differences were found in the analyses of structure, resources and processes of psychiatric services between counties with high and counties with low levels of compulsory care. The equality before the law may be questioned. The importance of leadership is emphasised for future analyses.  相似文献   
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Time's Up     
This study tests general strain theory among a sample of 216 incarcerated women. Incarcerated women cope with many strains in prison. They frequently rely on social support from other inmates as coping mechanisms. Some even form pseudofamilies. Such relationships may impact the level of strain and negative emotions these women experience and the misconduct they engage in. The purpose of this study is to explore what relationship (if any) exists between strain, anger, depression, institutional misconduct, and pseudofamily membership. Findings suggest limited support for general strain theory and highlight the importance of women's past victimizations and impulsivity in predicting their misconduct.  相似文献   
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