From Industrial Policy to Regional and Local Locational Policy: Experience from Santa Catarina/Brazil

Abstract — Industrial policy is no longer what it used to be. In the industrialised world and in advanced developing countries alike, the focus has shifted from a top-down, statist approach that sought to create industries to a decentralised, networked approach whose aim is to shape competitive advantages and to create ‘systemic competitiveness.’ This reflects the fact that globalisation and localisation are parallel and mutually reinforcing processes: The firms which do better in a globalised market are rooted in well-developed networks of supporting firms and institutions. The analysis of the case of Santa Catarina, a state which had a strong industrial growth record in the 1970s and 1980s, shows that the relevant actors tend to be slow to move to this kind of pattern. State-level industrial policy mainly consists of participation in a ‘guerra fiscal’ geared to attracting external investment as well as, to a very limited extent, measures aimed at giving financial support to local firms. Yet there is no such thing as an explicit policy at the state level — to say nothing of the local level — designed to support firms by shaping locational advantages. This is due to limitations on the part both of the state and the private sector. As far as the state is concerned, a traditional clientelist and ad hoc style of policy making prevails. In the private sector the business associations (sindicatos and the Federation of Industries, local chambers of industry and commerce and their umbrella federation) are slowly adapting to the new conditions presented by an open economy and far more competitive pressure, though they have thus far lagged in putting more pressure on local and state government to support company-level efforts to increase competitiveness. Within this general picture, however, there are differences between industrial clusters. The most advanced of them, made up of world-class firms manufacturing ceramic tiles, may show the way by strengthening associations, shaping locational advantages, and articulating the demands of companies toward the state.     

Neurocops: the politics of prohibtion and the future of enforcing social policy from inside the body

Over the next decade an increasing number of new "pharmacotherapy" medications will become available with the potential to tremendously impact the use and abuse of illegal drugs and the overall direction of national and international drug policy. These pharmacotherapy medications are designed to block or significantly reduce the "highs" elicited by illegal drugs. Used as part of a drug treatment program, pharmacotherapy medications may provide valuable assistance for people voluntarily seeking a chemical aid in limiting or eliminating problem drug use. However, the tremendously politicized nature of the "drug war" raises substantial concerns that, in addition to those who voluntarily choose to use such medications, some people will be compelled to use them. This article concludes that in the absence of extraordinary circumstances, governmental action forcing or coercing a person to use a pharmacotherapy drug would violate a number of important legal rights. Among the rights implicated by compulsory use of pharmacotherapy drugs are the right to informed consent, the right to bodily integrity and privacy, the protection against cruel and unusual punishment, and the right to freedom of thought.     

Biased Altruism: Islamophobia and Donor Support for Global Humanitarian Organizations

Providing humanitarian assistance to displaced individuals is a critical policy challenge. Many refugee camps are run by charities supported by Western donors. If refugees are predominantly Muslim, might Islamophobia suppress donations to these charities? Using a survey experiment conducted in the United States, the authors examine whether donors' willingness to support a charity is influenced by the dominant religion of the refugees, the regions in which refugee camps are located, and/or the religious affiliation of the charity. The authors find modest support for Islamophobia: while willingness to donate is not affected by the location of camps or the predominance of Muslim refugees, it declines significantly for Islamic charities. Respondents overall tend to be especially willing to donate to a charity that serves Christian refugees in the Middle East. Among self‐identifying Christians, respondents are more willing to donate to a charity serving Christian refugees than one serving Muslim refugees.     

Fines and Justice Administration: The Experience of the Federal Republic of Germany

As part of the penal code revised in 1969, the Federal Republic of Germany increased its reliance on fines, including the introduction of day-fines, in lieu of short-term imprisonment for minor offenses. The previous trend toward the use of fines was accelerated by the requirement that courts order imprisonment only in exceptional cases. Traffic cases were particularly affected. The qualities of the offense and the absence of previous offenses, rather than an individualized study of the offender, continued to be the dominant criterium influencing the choice of a fine. The chief effect of day fines was higher amounts applied to the more affluent defendants; the amount of the fine appeared to have no effect on subsequent recidivism. For first offenders, fines were superior to imprisonment in avoiding reconviction. Day-fines were no more effective (but not less effective) than imprisonment in the instance of traffic offenses. Fines were superior to other sanctions for petty property offenders but not for career thieves.     

Recidivism after Fines,Suspended Sentences,and Imprisonment

In 1969 the Federal Republic of Germany abolished almost totally short prison terms in favor of fines. Between 1968 and 1971 the proportion of prison sentences was reduced by way of penal law reform from 23% to 7%. A corresponding decline in the number of prisoners per 100,000 could be observed within this period, too: whereas about 100/100,000 were incarcerated in 1969, the rate of incarceration in 1971 was 66/100,000. The dramatic decline in the number of prison sentences as well as in the number of prison inmates led to apprehensions that this change in sentencing policy might result in increasing rates of recidivism. A comparative analysis of recidivism after fines, prison sentences, as well as suspended sentences, was carried out in order to provide empirical evidence concerning this question.     

Regulation by Reputation: Monitoring and Sanctioning in Nonprofit Accountability Clubs

Nonprofits seek to enhance their reputation for responsible management by joining voluntary regulation mechanisms such as accountability clubs. Because external stakeholders cannot fully observe nonprofits’ compliance with club obligations, clubs incorporate mechanisms to monitor compliance and impose sanctions. Yet including monitoring and sanctioning mechanisms increases the cost of club membership for nonprofits. What factors account for the variation in the strength of monitoring and sanctioning mechanisms in voluntary accountability clubs? An analysis of 224 clubs suggests that stringent monitoring and sanctioning mechanisms are more likely in fund‐raising‐focused clubs, clubs that offer certification (as opposed to only outlining a code of conduct), and clubs with greater longevity. The macro context in which clubs function also shapes their institutional design: clubs in OECD countries and clubs with global membership are less likely to incorporate monitoring and sanctioning mechanisms than clubs in non‐OECD countries and single‐country clubs, respectively.