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1.
Bruce Russett 《国际研究展望》2005,6(4):395-408
The invasion of Iraq has been justified, ex post , as for the purpose of promoting the democratic peace. It does not, however, appear to have been a principal goal ex ante . Most democratic peace theorists, moreover, do not endorse democratic regime change by great-power external military intervention. Success is difficult to achieve (usually at high cost), and the conditions in Iraq were not promising even had the occupation been carried out more competently. Greater success in democratization has been achieved by UN peacekeeping operations, and by various regional international organizations using a variety of peaceful measures to ensure free elections, constrain authoritarian leaders, and empower democratic forces. International organizations, notably those whose membership is largely composed of democracies, are especially likely to succeed in promoting democracy. 相似文献
2.
Bruce Gilley Author Vitae 《Orbis》2006,50(2):259-271
Democratization has lately received new rounds of criticism from antidemocrats on both the right and the left. As the prevalence of democracy throughout the world has surpassed that of dictatorship and other forms of undemocratic government, nostalgia for authoritarianism has blurred the realities of the depredations of dictatorship. Increasingly, the new antidemocrats suggest that the problems of democracy require nondemocratic solutions. But while all democracies will necessarily fall short of their ideal, the solution lies within democratic traditions. The challenge is to motivate future generations to improve on existing democracy, not to replace democratic structures with a system that is simpler, more comfortable, and less demanding of those who live under it. 相似文献
3.
This paper examines the value of an alternative approach to SSR policy, namely a multi-layered one in post-conflict and fragile state environments. It begins by arguing that there is a state-centric bias in current SSR policy and practice. This contradicts development principles of a ‘people-centred, locally owned’ approach in post-conflict and fragile state contexts. The SSR's state-centric approach rests upon two fallacies: that the post-conflict and fragile state is capable of delivering justice and security; and that it is the main actor in security and justice. The paper goes on to present the outline of a multi-layered strategy. This addresses the issue of who is actually providing justice and security in post-conflict and fragile states. The paper continues by describing the accountability mechanisms that could be pursued by SSR programmes in support of this approach. The conclusion is that the advantage of the multi-layered approach is that it is based not on the state's capacity, but on the quality and efficacy of the services received by the end user, regardless of who delivers that service. 相似文献
4.
Dennis Kurzon 《International Journal for the Semiotics of Law》2007,20(4):285-303
The article deals, on the one hand, with a legal conflict between a musical performer/arranger, Mike Batt, and the estate
of a composer of avant-garde music, John Cage, over copyright. It is also concerned with the field of intertextuality – how
meaning is created in a text or in a work of art, whether it is visual, musical or verbal, through allusions and quotations
to previous texts or works of art. The controversy, which did not reach the courts because of a pre-trial settlement, was
over an author’s rights to silence, or, as in this case, a silent piece of music. The central issue discussed is the way in
which silence may be considered – if at all, to be protectable. 相似文献
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Bruce a. Arrigo 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1997,27(1):31-48
The application of Lacanian psychoanalytic semiotics to the intersecting categories of criminal justice and mental health
is relatively novel. In this paper the phenomenon of transcarceration or the repeated channeling of disordered defendants
(subjects) through institutional regimes of discipline and coercion is outlined. Attention is directed at the intra-psychic
and intersubjective mechanisms responsible for the structuring of discourse. Lacan's schematization on the constitution of
master narratives through the Discourse of the Master is also delineated. The author concludes by demonstrating how transcarceration
is fundamentally about language and privileged speech patterns which agents of both systems as well as subjects themselves
perpetuate.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
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Bruce Pilbeam 《Political studies》2003,51(3):490-508
This article examines the relationship between conservatism and environmentalism, including the viability of an eco-conservative ideology. The discussion emphasizes two major points. First, that there is much greater shared ground between greens and conservatives than is often recognized. Yet second, that there are nonetheless significant obstacles to any harmonious alliance between the two. However, what is also shown is that these obstacles are not necessarily those most commonly cited. 相似文献