Forensic-medical assessment of terroristic chemical attacks

By potential damage, chemical terroristic attacks are much more dangerous than terroristic bombing. To fight chemical terrorism it is necessary to create the system of medical-environmental defense of the population. In line with emergency medicine, forensic medical service is a very important element of the antiterroristic defense. The activity of forensic-medical experts in the field of terroristic chemical attack is analysed.     

The forensic medical expertise of the victims of large-scale fires]

The difficulties of present-day forensic medical expert evaluation of poisonings in fires are explained by exposure of man to highly toxic compounds that form during burning of polymers. Analyzing forensic medical expert evaluations of a large number of victims dead in a large-scale fire, the authors emphasize the necessity of measuring not only dead people's blood levels of HbCO, but of some other toxic combustion products that may exert combined effects on human body. The authors think it desirable that criteria of forensic medical evaluation of combined poisoning in fire be defined.     

Government survival in semi‐presidential regimes

As semi‐presidentialism has become increasingly common in European democracies, so have the debates about the consequences of several of its political and institutional features. In particular, in those regimes, cohabitation between presidents and cabinets of different parties and cabinet dismissal powers on the part of presidents are thought to be a source of inter‐branch conflict and government instability. However, so far, most empirical work on government survival has failed to confirm any of these expectations. This article addresses this disjuncture between theory and empirical results by making a twofold contribution. First, it takes into account the internal diversity within semi‐presidentialism, modeling the implications for government survival of different configurations between presidential powers’ of cabinet dismissal, parliament dissolution and cohabitation in European semi‐presidential systems. Second, it reconsiders traditional government survival using the competing risks framework by adding a distinction between two different types of non‐electoral replacement: those where replacements imply a change in the party of the prime minister and those where they do not. Once such an approach is adopted, that presidential powers of parliamentary dissolution and cabinet dismissal indeed emerge as highly relevant for explaining government survival in these regimes.