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This study examined the relationship between the underlying latent factors of major depression symptoms and DSM-5 posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). A nonclinical sample of 266 participants with a trauma history participated in the study. Confirmatory factor analyses were conducted to evaluate the fit of the DSM-5 PTSD model and dysphoria model, as well as a depression model comprised of somatic and nonsomatic factors. The DSM-5 PTSD model demonstrated somewhat better fit over the dysphoria model. Wald tests indicated that PTSD’s negative alterations in cognitions and mood factor was more strongly related to depression’s nonsomatic factor than its somatic factor. This study furthers a nascent line of research examining the relationship between PTSD and depression factors in order to better understand the nature of the high comorbidity rates between the two disorders. Moreover, this study provides an initial analysis of the new DSM-5 diagnostic criteria for PTSD.  相似文献   
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Explanations for the incumbency advantage in American elections have typically pointed to the institutional advantages that incumbents enjoy over challengers but overlook the role of individual traits that reinforce this bias. The institutional advantages enjoyed by incumbents give voters more certainty about who incumbents are and what they might do when (and if) they assume office. We argue that these institutional advantages make incumbents particularly attractive to risk-averse individuals, who shy away from uncertainty and embrace choices that provide more certainty. Using data from 2008 and 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we show that citizens who are more risk averse are more likely to support incumbent candidates, while citizens who are more risk accepting are more likely to vote for challengers. The foundations of the incumbency advantage, we find, lie not only in the institutional perks of office but also in the individual minds of voters.  相似文献   
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Past punishment-related attitudinal research has focused on criminal sanctions and certain collateral consequences of conviction; however, few studies have examined attitudes towards felon disenfranchisement. Fewer studies have used a sample consisting of Historically Black College and University (HBCU) students to examine attitudes towards consequences of conviction. This research examines views toward felon-voting prohibitions in a state that has one of the most restrictive laws in this area. It utilizes a modified version of a previously used national survey instrument, which measured attitudes toward felon enfranchisement based on variations of the correctional status of a convicted offender. The implications of the findings are contextualized by examining the role of public views on policy in a democracy; the significance of examining the attitudes of a sampling of students at an HBCU, and the need for more comprehensive research in this area.  相似文献   
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Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) criteria in DSM-5 included a dissociative diagnostic subtype characterized by a depersonalization item and a derealization item. Researchers have queried whether this was too restrictive, as alternative dissociative symptomatology may also be characteristic of the subtype. The current study utilized data from 318 Northern Irish students, of which 165 were trauma exposed. Participants were assessed for PTSD symptomatology based on DSM-5 criteria via a modified version of the PTSD Symptom Scale-Self-Report (PSS-5) and dissociative experiences via the Dissociative Experiences Scale (DES). Confirmatory factor analysis of PTSD and DES models revealed an optimal four-factor DSM-5 PTSD model including reexperiencing, avoidance, negative alterations in mood and cognitions, and alterations in hyperarousal and reactivity factors, and an optimal three-factor DES model including absorption, amnesia, and depersonalization/derealization factors. When comparing the correlations between depersonalization/derealization and the four PTSD factors, significant Wald tests of parameter constraints revealed that depersonalization/derealization is more related to alterations in arousal and reactivity (r?=?.432) compared to avoidance (r?=?.289), χ 2 (1, N?=?165)?=?8.352, p?=?.004. We discuss whether the mechanism for comorbid PTSD and dissociation may be related to PTSD’s arousal factor.  相似文献   
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This article examines nonincumbent fundraising through the lens of two theories that have not been applied in other studies of fundraising—strategic candidate entry and ambitious amateur candidates—to test whether candidates with prior office experience are advantaged in raising funds for U.S. House campaigns. A selection model that takes into account the strategic entry of strong candidates demonstrates that electoral experience matters for only a select subset of experienced candidates. In contrast to previous research, the results show that much of the fundraising difference between amateurs and experienced candidates can be attributed to a selection process where the strongest candidates seek the best races. The results have implications for how we understand the relative importance of various conditions that shape fundraising. Competitive local or national conditions that encourage strong candidacies also allow nonincumbents to accumulate sufficient funds to mount credible campaigns.  相似文献   
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Common Wealth     
After reviewing developments in human rights law and international law – in particular the domestication of international human rights law and the rise of the democratic norm in international law – the importance of these developments for the Commonwealth and for its member states is highlighted and linked to many of the programmes and policies that the Commonwealth Secretariat has recently launched. This paper discusses these developments and others in order to stress the wealth of potential advantages for Commonwealth member states and their citizens that flow from a common commitment under the rule of law to human rights and democracy. The authors endeavour to show that such wealth is more than mere economic benefit – as important as that undoubtedly is – and that citizens stand to reap a moral system of government, one which expands the opportunities for popular participation in political processes and puts an end to social practices that marginalise some citizens and empower others.  相似文献   
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The recent release of the DSM-5 comes with the division of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms across four symptom clusters (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). This division is based on the support garnered by two four-factor models; Emotional Numbing (King et al., 1998) and Dysphoria (Simms et al., 2002) and a five-factor model; Dysphoric Arousal (Elhai et al., 2011). Much debate centered on the validity of the Dysphoria factor as a non-specific factor of PTSD within the Dysphoria model. In line with this, we assessed relations between the four factors of the Dysphoria model (Simms et al., 2002) and positive (PA) and negative affect (NA) in natural disaster victims (N?=?200) from Leh, India, using the PTSD checklist (PCL-S) and Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS short form). Confirmatory factor analysis was implemented to assess the best-fitting model for both the PCL (PTSD) and the PANAS (affect). Two optimal models (the Dysphoria model and a two-factor model for affect) were subsequently used to assess latent variable associations across constructs. It was hypothesized that differential associations between latent factors would be evident with the Dysphoria factor being highly correlated with negative affect compared to alternative PTSD factors. Significant correlations were found between factors of the Dysphoria model and NA (0.52–0.65, p?<?0.001). Comparing the association of pairs of PTSD factors with NA and PA, Wald’s tests revealed that no single PTSD factor was more related to NA than the other. Avoidance and Hyperarousal factors were correlated with PA. Results are discussed in line with literature questioning Dysphoria factor’s unique association with general distress.  相似文献   
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Competitive elections are essential to representative democracy. Competition in U.S. House elections is low in part because incumbents have strategic advantages that deter strong potential candidates from running. Many observers conclude that incumbents retain their seats without full accountability to the electorate, but the mechanisms of deterrence have never been fully explored from the perspective of strong potential candidates. Based on a survey of potential House candidates designed to capture perceptions of incumbents' personal quality and reelection prospects, we find strong evidence for the "strategic politicians" thesis ( Black 1972 ; Jacobson and Kernell 1983 ). We extend the logic of the strategic model first by showing that incumbents' reelection prospects are affected by their personal quality and second by demonstrating that incumbents' personal qualities deter strong challengers from running, independent of their electoral prospects. Our findings prompt us to suggest revisions to our understanding of competition and representation in contemporary House elections .  相似文献   
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