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If categories of 'race' and nationality are social and historical constructions laden with irrefutable meaning and consequences, then ethnic identities, like any other forms of identity, are means to other ends that may or may not be particular. Twentieth‐century indigenist history in Brazil reveals how the cultural politics of indigenism and nationalism can coalesce in a tautological politics of identity that undermines individual liberty and democratic heterogeneity. The concepts 'post‐indigenism,'post‐nationalism' and 'post‐identity' point to the strategic suspension of the infinite heterogeneity of the political subject as a means to widen the ground of shared experience and common interests beyond the realm of hollow and oppressive essentialisms.  相似文献   
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This article contrasts the traditional English prosecutorial system, and its underlying values, with the new Crown Prosecution Service and the related values which have emerged from five years of official study and planning of prosecutorial reform. The traditional system reflected the English ideal of the amateur generalist. Under this system the police, acting as citizens, undertook most prosecutions, hiring legal assistance as needed. Ower the last twenty years, about three-quarters of the English police forces set up prosecuting solicitors departments. While these institutions give professional legal assistance to many police, they were purely local arrangements without statutory basis and legally similar to the traditional ad hoc arrangements. In 1986 the Crown Prosecution Service will be initiated. This is the product of a process of development which includes a Royal Commission, two governmental working parties, a white paper, a bill, and a managerial study. The result is a hierarchical structure of legal professionals independent of the police who will handle virtually all prosecutions. This prosecutorial structure exhibits the characteristics and values of modern rationalistic bureaucracy described by Max Weber. The adoption of these values in English criminal justice indicates the likelihood of change in other aspects of the system which rest on the conflicting traditional values.  相似文献   
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Strict Liability crimes require no proof of a mental element. Proving the forbidden act suffices for conviction. This is discomforting under the common law tradition, since defendants who intended no wrong or were even unaware of their misdeed may be guilty. New Zealand, Australia, and Canada have responded by dividing non‐mens‐rea crimes into those where liability is absolute and those where, although conviction requires proof of no mental element, a defense negating mental guilt can be proven by accuseds. Canada has furthermore abolished the former category and severely restricted the latter. Australia and New Zealand maintain a tri‐part classification of mens rea, absolute liability, and strict liability. Some Indian jurisdictions have reached a similar result by different means. Meanwhile, even the few American courts exploring similar solutions remain unaware of the ninety years of jurisprudence developing these concepts elsewhere.  相似文献   
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Four fluorescent fingerprint powders (RedWop?, GreenWop?, Basic Yellow?, and Yellow Powder?) were evaluated as a marker for blow fly larvae. Administration methods included ingestion (high vs. low concentration) or topical. Ingestion of high concentrations of Basic Yellow? and RedWop? caused higher larval mortality. Basic Yellow? delayed development and adult emergence while RedWop? and Yellow Powder? had a significant effect on particular stages of development, however, emergence time was not altered. Optimal administration is through ingestion at low concentration levels (<10%) or topically, with GreenWop? demonstrating minimal adverse effects. Optimum wavelength for discrimination between powders was 450 nm. This research can aid in investigative training to increase visibility of larval and pupal blow flies. It can also be used in entomological studies to differentiate between larval blow flies (or other dipteran) species or individuals to further understand complex interactions and behavior during larval development.  相似文献   
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This study uses an experimental design to simulate the ballot counting process during a hand-recount after a disputed election. Applying psychological theories of motivated reasoning to the political process, we find that ballot counters’ party identification conditionally influences their ballot counting decisions. Party identification’s effect on motivated reasoning is greater when ballot counters are given ambiguous, versus specific, instructions for determining voter intent. This study’s findings have major implications for ballot counting procedures throughout the United States and for the use of motivated reasoning in the political science literature.  相似文献   
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This paper is a response to Hodgson's recent critique of our model of participatory planning through negotiated co-ordination. His critique focused on four issues: the coherence of our distinction between market exchange and market forces; our understanding of tacit knowledge; the scope for innovation in our model; and the alleged problems of information overload and cognitive limitations. In this response we argue that Hodgson misinterprets our model as being based on the aggregation of individual preferences, whereas it is in fact a model of participatory planning through a process of deliberative democracy.  相似文献   
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Throughout the developing world, Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) are involved in various aspects of an increasing number of policy interventions. The donor community has lent considerable support to this strategy. One of the key assumptions behind the strategy is that the greater involvement of NGOs in policy processes will result in more resources being distributed to the poor, and will also facilitate the establishment of a policy process which is more inclusive and egalitarian. Here the involvement of NGOs in an important land redistribution policy initiative is used to examine both these assumptions. While there is strong evidence that more land was redistributed to the poor as a result of NGO involvement, the actual mechanism or process for deciding the distribution of land was not found to be all inclusive or completely egalitarian. This ambivalence serves as a timely critique to the naive optimism and simplified assumptions underpinning development thinking and practice. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
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This article considers contemporary class inequalities and how they might shape a progressive politics in the UK. Drawing on findings from the BBC Class Survey, it outlines changes in the class structure, class mobility and class identities. It is argued that the class structure is increasingly polarised and fragmented, with a wealthy elite, a vulnerable precariat and fragmented middle and working classes in between. Declining upward social mobility is a source of anxiety for middle‐class and working‐class parents alike. Class identification, especially working‐class identification, has weakened over time, although class snobbery is far from dead. Class has changed and the class basis of politics is changing now too. A progressive politics is possible if the political parties of the centre‐left appeal to the majority of the electorate rather than one class, acknowledge common concerns and worries and appeal to shared hopes and dreams that straddle class boundaries.  相似文献   
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