The ideological nationalization of partisan subconstituencies in the American States

Since the mid-twentieth century, elite political behavior in the United States has become much more nationalized. In Congress, for example, within-party geographic cleavages have declined, roll-call voting has become more one-dimensional, and Democrats and Republicans have diverged along this main dimension of national partisan conflict. The existing literature finds that citizens have only weakly and belatedly mimicked elite trends. We show, however, that a different picture emerges if we focus not on individual citizens, but on the aggregate characteristics of geographic constituencies. Using biennial estimates of the economic, racial, and social policy liberalism of the average Democrat and Republican in each state over the past six decades, we demonstrate a surprisingly close correspondence between mass and elite trends. Specifically, we find that: (1) ideological divergence between Democrats and Republicans has widened dramatically within each domain, just as it has in Congress; (2) ideological variation across senators’ partisan subconstituencies is now explained almost completely by party rather than state, closely tracking trends in the Senate; and (3) economic, racial, and social liberalism have become highly correlated across partisan subconstituencies, just as they have across members of Congress. Overall, our findings contradict the reigning consensus that polarization in Congress has proceeded much more rapidly and extensively than polarization in the mass public.     

Police use of force: examining the relationship between calls for service and the balance of police force and suspect resistance

Over the past decade, the use of force by the police has become an important public policy concern and topic of social science research. A number of researchers hypothesized about the factors that explain the amount of force used by police officers. Prior research focused almost exclusively on the highest level of force used in police-citizen interactions and neglected to examine the relative amount of forced used by the police compared to that used by suspects. To address this shortcoming, this study analyzed data from three years of official use-of-force reports in the Miami-Dade Police Department (MDPD). Contrary to studies that examine only the use of force by the police, this study found that the relative amount of force used by the police was greatest in the less threatening types of offenses. The implications of this study for research and policy are discussed.     

Routine activities and social control in the aftermath of a natural catastrophe

The first two being from the University of Miami, the latter two from the University of Florida.     

"Body property": challenging the ethical barriers in organ transplantation to protect individual autonomy

One of two articles related to the current organ shortage, this article advocates the need for legislation to recognize organs and tissues separated from the body as a distinct category of personal property. After addressing the legislative history of organ procurement and psychological barriers to donor consent, the article examines the importance of separating the lifetime rights of ownership in our own bodies from postmortem rights. Ultimately, the author proposes a futures market approach to this problem in which individuals before death, or surviving family members after death, are permitted sell the decedent's organs in a private contract.     

THE DETERMINATION OF ANTITRUST LIABILITY IN UNITED STATES v. MICROSOFT: THE EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE USED TO PROVE ITS CASE

This paper considers the empirical evidence used by the Departmentof Justice in the U.S. v. Microsoft antitrust case to provethat Microsoft engaged in exclusionary (and anticompetitive)actions in the browser market as part of its efforts to maintainits dominance of the personal computer operating system market.This evidence deserves special consideration because the DistrictCourt made the unusual decision to rely on the empirical evidencepresented by the Department of Justice rather than the empiricalevidence presented by Microsoft. This decision was unusual becauseMicrosoft's evidence had a strong presumption of validity asit was based on data that Microsoft collected and used in theordinary course of its business. Furthermore, no market participantsused the Department of Justice-sponsored data in any meaningfulway. Although it is impossible to determine with any certaintywhy the District Court ruled the way it did, I conclude thatthere were two driving forces in the court's decision. The Departmentof Justice identified serious flaws in Microsoft's data, makingit unreliable for the purposes for which Microsoft was usingit in the trial. The Department of Justice was also able toshow that no such flaws affected the data it sponsored and indeed,on many points, that data was more consistent with the testimonyof Microsoft executives than the data sponsored by Microsoft.     

THE MEDIA'S METHODS OF MERIT AND MAYHEM

As President Richard Nixon sped across the Pacific on Air Force One in February 1972,the American reporters accompanying him on his historic trip had no idea what to expect."It was a little bit a feeling of'we are leaving Earth and going deep into the cosmos of some distant planet',"CBS reporter Dan Rather told documentary filmmaker Mike Chinoy decades later.     

A New Deal on the Cards?

<正>Economic cooperation between China and the U.S.is of paramount importance As a candidate for president of the United States,Donald Trump’s criticism of China was frequent and often incendiary.The then real estate mogul and reality television host accused the world’s second-largest economy of"cheating"American businesses and"raping"the U.S.economy with unfair trade practices and currency manipulation—charges dismissed as false by Chinese offi cials.Undeterred,Trump threatened to slap a 45 percent retaliatory tariff on Chinese goods entering the U.S.     

Wrestling With the Press

<正>U.S.President Trump’s adversarial media relations look set to continueU.S.presidents have vented their frustration at the media for just about as long as the nation has existed."Nothing can now be believed which is seen in a newspaper,"Thomas Jefferson,the third president and chief author of the U.S.Declaration of Independence,wrote in a letter to an editor in 1807.President