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Security governance has featured prominently in recent debates about fragmentation, informalization, and privatization in the increasingly diverse field of security policy. It has inspired much valuable research. Yet, there are not just very different conceptual understandings of security governance; there is also a lack of clarity regarding its empirical manifestations and normative connotations. After a decade of research, the special issue therefore puts security governance to the test and scrutinizes its analytical and political pitfalls and potentials. This editorial briefly reviews the rise of security governance, identifies central conceptual, empirical, and normative challenges that need to be addressed, and introduces the individual contributions to this special issue. 相似文献
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This article argues that security governance can and should be reframed as a critical tool that enables us to understand and reappraise concrete practices of security provision. Security governance needs to move beyond the functional mapping of different governing arrangements and the presumption that security governance leads to effective and legitimate problem-solving in a quasi-automatic manner. In this article, we propose a framework that identifies the essential characteristics of security governance and turns them into critical questions with the aim to reveal persisting frictions and dilemmas. First, we trace the rise of security governance as concept and practice over the past decade and identify its central characteristics with regard to prerequisites, structures and consequences. Second, we reframe the core characteristics of security governance into critical questions and thereby develop an understanding of security governance as a critical tool. Finally, we illustrate the relevance of this approach with examples from EU security governance. 相似文献
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Hans-Georg Koppensteiner 《Juristische Bl?tter》2008,130(12):749-758
Der Beitrag er?rtert die Frage, ob und wie der Gesellschafter einer GmbH haftet, der seinen Einflu? dazu benutzt, die Gesellschaft
zu ruinieren. Nach neuester Auffassung des BGH handelt es sich um einen Fall deliktischer Innenhaftung. Demgegenüber ist nach
wie vor anzunehmen, dass "existenzvernichtendes" Verhalten des (einzigen) Gesellschafters über eine teleologische Reduktion
von § 61 Abs 2 GmbHG zu prinzipiell unbeschr?nkter Au?enhaftung führt. 相似文献
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Federal systems typically have in their legislative bodies asecond house designed to secure regional participation in nationalaffairs. While the German Bundestrat is not a co-equal branchof the parliament, it is, next to the U.S. Senate, the mostpowerful second (not "upper") house in existence. Unlike theU.S. Senate, its membership represents the cabinets of the elevenLänder, and votes are cast a bloc for each Land. The Bundesrathas an absolute veto over all bills that effect the Länderand a suspensive veto over all other bills. It was not designedas a partisan body, but partisan politics do sometimes enterthe decisionmaking process. The Bundesrat has served traditionallyas an institutional means of securing Land rights from intrusionby the federal government. Today, however, it is confrontedby a new and potentially more dangerous threat to Land autonomy:the growing power of the European Community and the trend towardrelinquishing important aspects of national sovereignty to ECinstitutions. 相似文献
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States with limited statehood such as Somalia can cause transnational security challenges. The emergence of an insurgent group with links to Al Qaida and piracy emanating from its coast are cases in point. In this article, we tackle the question of whether the EU's comprehensive approach toward Somalia is working. To do this, we analyze its effectiveness, its legitimacy, and the influence of power by appraising three characteristics of the security governance concept in a critical manner. We conclude that the result is mixed. Even if the EU's comprehensive approach were perfect in a technical sense, it would still face restraints, because any solution has to come from Somali themselves. Not only should they be an integral part of it, they should become the real owners of the state-building process in the first place. 相似文献
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Irving Louis Horowitz David Thomson James D. Wright Melvin Sabshin M.D. Thomas Szasz David Youngerman Lionel Tiger Sergei Kan Anatoly Khazanov Igor Krupnik Michael Krauss Erhard Roy Wiehn M.A. Hans-Georg Soeffner Leonard Plotnicov M. Chlenov A. Borodstova A. Pershitz I. Kozhanovskaya A. Kozhanovsky N. Kulakova V. Stelmakh L. Sheinbaum K. Tertitzky L. Perepyolkin O. Artyomova 《Society》1995,32(6):4-8