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The Australian Women’s National League was founded in response to the gaining of the federal franchise by Australian women. It founders were conservative elite women whose politics were anti‐democratic, laissez faire and opposed to the public exercise of women’s citizenship. The League’s interaction with democracy proved to be mutually constitutive. The League’s crude anti‐socialist ideology and its capacity for electoral organisation gave the AWNL an impact on the content and conduct of Australian democracy which far exceeded that made by other groupings of political women. And the League’s platforms and programmes slowly broadened to include state action in progressive and even feminist causes. But its continuing refusal to endorse a public role for political women limited the League’s ability to appeal to a new generation of progressive women.  相似文献   
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Abstract — Industrial policy is no longer what it used to be. In the industrialised world and in advanced developing countries alike, the focus has shifted from a top-down, statist approach that sought to create industries to a decentralised, networked approach whose aim is to shape competitive advantages and to create ‘systemic competitiveness.’ This reflects the fact that globalisation and localisation are parallel and mutually reinforcing processes: The firms which do better in a globalised market are rooted in well-developed networks of supporting firms and institutions. The analysis of the case of Santa Catarina, a state which had a strong industrial growth record in the 1970s and 1980s, shows that the relevant actors tend to be slow to move to this kind of pattern. State-level industrial policy mainly consists of participation in a ‘guerra fiscal’ geared to attracting external investment as well as, to a very limited extent, measures aimed at giving financial support to local firms. Yet there is no such thing as an explicit policy at the state level — to say nothing of the local level — designed to support firms by shaping locational advantages. This is due to limitations on the part both of the state and the private sector. As far as the state is concerned, a traditional clientelist and ad hoc style of policy making prevails. In the private sector the business associations (sindicatos and the Federation of Industries, local chambers of industry and commerce and their umbrella federation) are slowly adapting to the new conditions presented by an open economy and far more competitive pressure, though they have thus far lagged in putting more pressure on local and state government to support company-level efforts to increase competitiveness. Within this general picture, however, there are differences between industrial clusters. The most advanced of them, made up of world-class firms manufacturing ceramic tiles, may show the way by strengthening associations, shaping locational advantages, and articulating the demands of companies toward the state.  相似文献   
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Children in the United States are exposed to alarmingly high rates of violence and trauma. Notable are the rates of maltreatment among children and the heightened risk for both out of home placement and an array of developmental, behavioral, and psychosocial sequelae. Despite these risks, little information is available on effective interventions and services designed to address the complex needs of youth in residential treatment settings. To effectively respond to their unique developmental, behavioral, and emotional needs, trauma-informed interventions and services must be provided to support optimal outcomes. To this end, this paper delineates the prevalence of children in residential care secondary to chronic maltreatment and other trauma exposures, identifies behavioral and emotional issues through the theoretical framework of complex trauma, highlights the importance of organizational capacity to deliver trauma-informed services, and describes effective clinical interventions that are often used in residential treatment. Clinical considerations and recommendations are also provided.  相似文献   
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