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Prior to colonialism, Afikpo, like most societies in Africa had a well‐defined system of political and social control. This, like other aspects of African democratic socio‐political practices, was relegated to the side‐lines by the British colonial authorities when they instituted a central government for Nigeria. Afikpo peoples’ disapproval of colonial rule and the emergent colonial political and judicial institutions partly explains the survival, and the increasing popularity of, the Afikpo traditional conflict resolution system. In examining the Afikpo traditional conflict resolution system, the focus of this discussion will be on the traditional political and social institutions and their application in recent years. These institutions function as channels for conflict resolution and deviant controls, command nearly total acceptance and participation, and are viewed as legitimate by the community. An attempt is made to explain how and why these institutions continue to coexist with non‐traditional institutions of conflict resolution.  相似文献   
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A rise in the Latino population resulting from increased immigration to the United States over the past several decades has invoked increasing concern about factors contributing to the victimization of Latinas. The present study used the National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being to explore experiences of physical intimate partner violence (IPV) and service receipt for IPV issues among Latina caregivers reported to the child welfare system for alleged child abuse or neglect. Results showed no significant differences in severity and overall rates of physical violence between immigrants and nonimmigrants, with the exception of the frequency of violence; U.S.-born women reported more incidents than immigrants. Despite experiencing a high overall rate of IPV during the previous year (33.0%), during the same period only 16.8% of Latinas reported being referred to services and 9.4% of mothers reported receiving services to address IPV issues. Despite evidence of disparities in use of other types of services by immigrant parents involved with the child welfare system, no differences in IPV service use were noted between immigrant and nonimmigrant mothers. Adjusting for covariates, neither nativity nor legal status was predictive of recent experiences of physical violence or service use. Potential reasons for these findings and implications are discussed.  相似文献   
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The nobility of the objectives and aspiration of the African Union's Agenda 2063 towards the developmental needs of the African people are laudable, as are the attempts being made to ensure collective action, despite the ‘shield of sovereignty behind which too many corrupt leaders have hidden’. However, these noble objectives and aspirations may be undermined and threatened by the upsurge in militant Islamism and the spread of terrorism within and outside Africa, a fact not being addressed by Agenda 2063. Yet while Agenda 2063 does not seek to address the challenges posed by terrorist networks within the continent, which are threatening human security as well as the sovereignty, territoriality, legitimacy and stability of political regimes, these issues are at the core of the agenda. This article argues for Agenda 2063 to step up its efforts to combat both the roots of terrorism and the threat to development that terrorism itself poses.  相似文献   
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