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排序方式: 共有719条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Judith Rowbotham 《Liverpool Law Review》2007,28(3):377-403
This article revisits the Baroda Incident 1875, providing a detailed examination of the Enquiry or ‹trial’ for the first time,
and locating that examination in the wider socio-cultural context of the nineteenth century British Empire (especially the
Raj) and the exporting of the ‹British’/English legal culture to the Empire. The implications of the establishing of British
principles of justice, including the value placed upon Indian-generated evidence and testimony by the courts, are explored,
in order to establish the Baroda Incident as a significant miscarriage of justice. Using historical methodologies as well
as postcolonial insights, it demonstrates that the concepts of justice on which the British prided themselves were intrinsincally
racialised as well as gendered, with profound modern resonances.
Dr. Judith Rowbotham is a Reader, School of Arts and Humanities, Nottingham Trent University. 相似文献
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Gender differences in dominance and aggressive behavior in intimate relationships among Mexican Americans were examined. Three hundred and sixteen Mexican American men and women took the Dominance Scale and the Conflict Tactics Scale 2 (CTS2). Results showed that power and possessiveness were associated with all types of aggressive behavior. Dominance was, however, expressed differently by men and women. High power and possessiveness were associated with all types of aggressive behavior. Decision-making power was also associated with physical assault, and high devaluation with inflicting injury among men. Among women, high power was only associated with physical assault, whereas possessiveness was associated with psychological aggression and physical assault. Devaluation was also high among women who inflicted injury on their male partners. 相似文献
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James Hughes 《欧亚研究》1994,46(7):1133-1161
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Christopher R. Hughes 《当代中国》2005,14(43):247-267
This article critically appraises the narrative of nationalist resurgence in China in the 1990s that structures much of the secondary literature on Chinese politics since Tiananmen. Adopting a post-structuralist method, Chinese texts from the 1990s are treated as discursive rather than as expressions of a common consensus, emergent ideology or political movement. This makes it possible to bring out the disparate points of view concerning the desirability of nationalism for China and to understand the strategies that are being deployed by authors within the context of everyday Chinese politics. It also reveals the significance of the absence from both the primary and the secondary texts of any mention of the advocacy of nationalism by the political leadership. When this hidden discourse is taken into account, it becomes evident that many of the texts that have been taken as expressions of a nationalist revival are either not particularly interested in nationalism or are highly sceptical concerning its possibilities for solving the problems faced by the Chinese state. Particularly significant is the way in which many of the texts locate themselves in relation to the official discourse on nationalism by appropriating its themes in order to promote and legitimate a wide range of other discourses with which it can be bound up, ranging from democracy to authoritarianism. 相似文献
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