Memory for political actors: Contrasting the use of semantic and evaluative organizational strategies

This paper explores the organizational strategies used to represent information about political actors in memory, and it illustrates the usefulness of a specific measure, the adjusted ratio of clustering score (ARC), for inferring memory structure. Assuming the operation of an associative network model, we argue that information about a political actor can be organized along three distinct dimensions: attribute type (differentiating between issue positions and personal attributes), partisanship (differentiating between characteristics typical of Republicans and Democrats), and evaluative type (differentiating between positively and negatively evaluated attributes). The results of a laboratory study indicate that organization along the attribute type dimension was most common, with some evidence of partisan organization. There was no evidence of organization along the evaluative dimension. The implications of the study for understanding individual differences in political reasoning, and the consequences of memory organization strategies, are discussed.     

Phosphoenolpyruvate carboxykinase activity in human liver

The activity of phosphoenolpyruvate carboxykinase (EC 4.1.1.32) (PEPCK), a rate-limiting gluconeogenic enzyme, was found decreased by others in genetically determined disorders and in Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS). To understand these findings, we made a systematic study of normal human hepatic PEPCK activities in specimens obtained under various conditions from patients not suspected of having SIDS. PEPCK was assayed by the method of Ballard and Hanson [J. Biol. Chem., 244 (1969) 5625] and activity reported as units (1 mumol/min) per gram protein. Intra-assay precision was 4.1% (n = 1094); inter-assay precision using the same homogenate was 10.4% (n = 51); and inter-assay precision using different homogenates of the same tissue specimen was 16.3% (n = 17). The assay was linear with time and enzyme concentration for at least 60 min up to 1.3 mU/assay and for at least 5 min up to 20 mU/assay. Biopsy specimens had significantly (P = 0.015) higher PEPCK activity, 12.60 +/- 3.01 U/g (range 3.5-10.4, n = 9) compared to specimens obtained at autopsy, 3.20 +/- 0.45 U/g (range 0-8.6, n = 33). Specific activity was not significantly correlated with the patient's age, fresh vs. frozen tissue, postmortem intervals up to 68 h, or length of storage at -70 degrees C up to 21 years. One patient had activity at autopsy (tissue obtained less than 2 h postmortem) 26% less than was observed in his biopsy specimen. Autopsy samples separated by differential centrifugation into mitochondrial and cytosolic fractions and checked with marker enzymes ornithine transcarbamylase (mitochondrial) and arginase (cytosolic) had considerable cross-contamination between the two fractions in fresh and frozen specimens.     

What's in a word?

In this paper, we argue that citizens' views about the personality characteristics of their political leaders are subject to systematic bias, motivated by the desire to maintain existing impressions. We report two studies designed to explore how such trait biases, involving judgments of real politicians, are manifested. Drawing on work in social psychology (John, Hampson, and Goldberg, 1991), we hypothesize, and demonstrate experimentally, that traitbreadth plays a critical role in the judgment process. Specifically, people tend to select broad positive traits (e.g., kind) and narrower negative traits (gullible) to describe politicians that they like; conversely, people tend to select broad negative traits (unintelligent) and narrower positive traits (soft-hearted) to describe politicians that they dislike. This trait breadth attribution bias was much stronger among those who had a positive, rather than negative, impression of the politician, a result we discuss in the context of related evidence of affective asymmetries in political judgment (e.g., Kinder, 1986; Marcus and Mackuen, 1993). More generally, these studies illustrate the potential associated with integrating cognitive, affective, and motivational factors in the service of fully understanding political judgment and choice.     

Religious parties and the problem of democratic political legitimacy

Thinkers committed to an ideal of public reason are suspicious of religiously informed political activity as it undermines democratic political legitimacy. This paper considers Jürgen Habermas’s recent shifts on this question in light of the history of Europe’s religious parties in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. These parties made a real and lasting contribution to Europe’s democratization and their history suggests ways in which Habermas and other defenders of public reason misunderstand the nature of democratic political legitimacy.     

An hepatic metabolic profile in sudden infant death (SIDS)

Levels of 18 enzymes and metabolites were measured in liver obtained at autopsy from 41 infants, 28 of whom were found unexpectedly dead at home. Four infants had meningitis, 11 had pathologic findings not clearly sufficient to explain death (SUD), and 13 were considered totally unexplained pathologically (SIDS). The possible contributions of postmortem interval, age and diet to the results are reviewed. No characteristic metabolic profile was recognized amongst SUD and SIDS groups. It is speculated that the amount of glycogen found in liver may provide insight into premortal events and reflect the rapidity of the death mechanism. Five individuals (20%) were suspected of having major metabolic abnormality including glycogenosis (1), urea cycle defect (1), and possibly abnormal levels of carnitine palmityl transferase (3).     

Justifying controversial political decisions:Home style in the laboratory

Elected officials are not passive bystanders in the electoral process. Rather, they try to influence their constituents' perceptions of events through a variety of strategies, including explanations. Fenno's case studies reported inHome Style (1978) have yielded important insights into the explanations representatives provide to their constituents to account for unpopular or controversial decisions. This paper reports an experimental analysis of the effectiveness of two principled justifications taken from Fenno'sHome Style interviews: individualistic and communitarian appeals to conscience. We also present a theoretical framework for the anlaysis of political accounts, conceptualizing them as a type of persuasive communication. The impact of the two justifications on a number of important judgments is examined within this framework, including reactions to controversial policies, attributions of responsibility, perceptions of political character, and evaluations of public officials.