America First? Trump,Crime, and Justice Internationally

ABSTRACT

“America First,” as presented by President Trump, argues for an international strategy that persistently places America’s interests above those of anyone or anything else. Consequently, Trump has reshaped the international perceptions of the United States and has created more difficulties for the U.S. in coordinating of global leaders in resolving complex issues in the world. This essay reflects on how Trump and the United States are viewed internationally, the impacts of Trump’s anti-immigrant and pro-White nationalist rhetoric, Trump’s responses to humanitarian crises around the globe, and the potential impact of Trump’s stance on global climate change. Given these considerations, it is questionable whether “America First” policy has made “America Great Again” in the eyes of the world.     

Between reform and Islam: The Arab spring in Jordan 2011–2014

This article discusses the Arab Spring in Jordan and the reasons the Hashemite regime was able to survive it. Liberals, retired military officers, young people, members of tribes, and members of the Muslim Brotherhood all participated in the demonstrations against the regime, which began in January 2011. In the beginning, it seemed that diversified demonstrations would bring about the regime’s collapse, as happened in other Arab countries. But in the end, it turned out that each group acted in its own interests. Tribal leaders worried about economic concerns, liberals sought to promote political reform, and the Muslim Brotherhood demanded the establishment of an Islamic caliphate. The lack of a common goal combined with Jordan’s policy of allowing demonstrations free from the fear of violent repression, sapped protesters’ motivation and minimized the number of participants. The fear of the type of anarchy and terror seen in Syria and Egypt also frightened the protesters and led them to the conclusion that it is better to live in an undemocratic but stable regime than pursue a fight for democracy that might end badly. Ultimately, it was King Abdullah’s astute political strategy in combination with international contingencies that enabled Jordan’s Hashemite regime to survive the Arab Spring.     

Reduced punishment in Israel in the case of murder: bridging the medico-legal gap

The psychiatrist's assessment of criminal responsibility of an accused in court for an act of crime has always been a matter of great difficulty. In 1997, clause 300a was incorporated into the Penal Code of Israel, thereby permitting a more lenient punishment for murder than mandatory life imprisonment. The clause includes the definition of what is meant by "severe mental disorder" and "significantly restricted capacity" by the defendant to understand the criminal nature of his or her act and to refrain from committing it. Usage of the concepts "disorder" and "significantly restricted capacity" in addressing the issue of diminished responsibility of the mentally ill is new to the Israeli legal code. The emergence and evolvement of the above concepts are presented through a historical review of the Israeli encoded law concerning mental illness, analyzed from a psychiatric perspective.     

Incomplete Contracts with Asymmetric Information: Exclusive Versus Optional Remedies

Scholars have been debating for years the comparative advantageof damages and specific performance. Yet, most work has compareda single remedy contract to another single remedy contract.But contract law provides the non-breaching party with a varietyof optional remedies to choose from in case of a breach, andparties themselves regularly write contracts which provide suchoptions. In this article, we start filling this gap by studyingmulti-remedy contracts. Specifically, we compare a contractthat grants the non-breaching party an option to choose betweenliquidated damages and specific performance with an exclusiveremedy contract, which restricts the non-breaching party’sremedy to liquidated damages only.     

An Analysis of the Characteristics of Thoracic and Abdominal Injuries Due to Gunshot Homicides in Israel

De‐identified wound data from 197 homicidal gunshot postmortems were obtained between 2000 and 2008. Forensic ballistics data were only available for cases between 2004 and 2008. Males represent 91% of gunshot victims and were struck in the thorax/abdomen with an average of 2.3 bullets. The type of firearms involved were semi‐automatic pistols in the predominant caliber 9‐mm Luger and assault rifles in caliber 5.56 × 45 mm and caliber 7.62 × 39 mm Soviet, using full metal jacket bullets. The majority of shootings occurred at ranges of 1 m or greater. The most common bullet path was front to back in 66% of cases. Entry wounds occurred more often on the left side of the thorax, abdomen, and back. The most common critical organs/tissues to sustain bullet trauma in descending order were as follows: heart, lungs, liver, aorta, spleen, kidneys, and vena cava. Ribs were struck by most bullets that entered the thorax.     

"Life expectancy" of "ecstasy" tablets in Israel in the years 2001-2003

3,4-Methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA) tablets known as "ecstasy" became a very popular drug amongst Israeli youth in the last decade. The ecstasy tablets have a simple design impressed on them (logos) making it relatively easy to distinguish between various logos. The life expectancy of ecstasy tablet logos, defined as the period between the first seizure by the police of a certain logo until the last seizure of the same logo, was monitored during the years 2001-2003. During this time interval, 58 different tablet logos were seized. A total of 26 logos, defined as common logos with at least 10 independent seizures, were observed. At any given time interval during this period, 8-10 common logos were found with an average life expectancy of approximately 9 months. Five of the observed 26 common logos were defined as the most common logos that appeared in at least 200 independent seizures each. Plots of the number of seizures and number of tablets seized as a function of time are presented and discussed as well as explanations for the high turnover rate of any given logo.     

Much better than the sequential lineup: a 120-person lineup

Abstract

Large lineups may be more reliable than small ones. However, research has found greatly reduced identifications in 40-person lineups of photos shown sequentially one at a time. The task may be more difficult than necessary. Grouping photos may provide an easier one. Three studies had compared seven-page lineups (42, 84, or 168 members) with lineups of about 20. In the first two studies identification and mistaken choice rates were identical in the large and smaller lineup. Identifications in the 168-person lineup were much less. This study tested a 10-page 120-person lineup, and added a 12-person lineup. No difference was found between the 120- and 24-person lineups, and an interaction in 12-person lineups was found between graduate lab student witnesses and others. False identifications, and the probability that the suspect is innocent when ‘identified’, is much less in 120-person lineups than the 24- or 12-person lineups, or the sequential lineup.     

Sincere and strategic voters: An Israeli study

The theoretical literature on voting behavior has shown that a rational voter may sometimes decide to vote for a candidate or party that does not constitute his or her first preference. Such voters are traditionally called strategic voters, in contrast to voters who act sincerely, i.e., those who always vote for their first preference regardless of how others are likely to vote. After discussing some of the problems associated with the definition of these two types of voters and suggesting a new operational definition, some attitudes and characteristics of these two types of voters are investigated. It was found that strategic voters constitute a very small percentage of the entire electorate, that their education level is significantly higher than that of sincere voters, that they tend more often to believe that polls influence voters' decisions and hence tend to delay their own final voting decision, that they tend more often than sincere voters to support small parties but do not tend more often than sincere voters to switch the party they decide to support from one election to the next, and that there is no significant difference between them and sincere voters regarding which governing coalition should/will form following an election.