Sex differences in intellectual and ego development in late adolescence

Perry's scheme of intellectual and ethical development was examined for sex differences with respect to areas of identity concern for which sex differences have been suggested: occupational choice, interpersonal relationships, and sexual identity. The content area of religion and ego development, as measured by Loevinger's sentence completion test (SCT), were also examined. Thirty-one females and 29 males participated. An interview format which applied Perry's unstructured approach to each of the four areas was utilized. Transcribed interviews and SCTs were rated blind. Structural as well as content analyses were performed. Structural analyses revealed no significant sex differences overall or by content area. However, multiple and stepwise regression analyses revealed patterns in which male personality processes consistently focused upon occupational issues while female processes focused upon interpersonal and sexual issues. Ego development was found to be highly correlated with intellectual development for men but unrelated for women. Content analyses suggest that women focus their interpersonal worlds developmentally upon issues of trust while men focus upon issues of rightness. Results are interpreted in the context of recent works by Gilligan concerning sex differences in development.Completing his Ph.D. in clinical psychology at Miami University. Current research interests include adolescent and female development and family therapy.Received her Ph.D. in clinical psychology from the University of Florida. Current research interests include women's development, assessment, and psychotherapy.     

Unfulfilled promises of the consultation approach: the limits to effective indigenous participation in Bolivia’s and Peru’s extractive industries

Indigenous peoples’ right to prior consultation and to informed consent represents the basis of the new global model shaping state–indigenous relations. Consultation processes promise to enable indigenous people to determine their own development and are especially promoted when extraction projects with significant socio-environmental impacts are planned on indigenous lands. In this article we draw on debates on participatory development in order to analyse the first state-led consultations in Bolivia’s and Peru’s hydrocarbon sectors (2007–14). The analysis shows that effective participation has been limited by (1) an absence of indigenous ownership of the processes; (2) indigenous groups’ difficulties defending or even articulating their own visions and demands; and (3) limited or very general outcomes. The study identifies real-life challenges, such as power asymmetries, a ‘communication hurdle’ and appropriate timing – as well as simplistic assumptions underlying the consultation approach – that account for the unfulfilled promises of this new model.     

Climate resilience in fragile and conflict-affected societies: concepts and approaches

To understand resilience to climate and environmental changes in fragile and conflict-affected societies is particularly important but equally challenging. In this paper, we first develop a conceptual framework to explore the climate-fragility-conflict and climate-resilience-peace nexus. Second, we discuss approaches to promote pathways from climatic changes to peace. We draw on the relevant literature and International Alert's experience in fragile and conflict-affected societies to stress the key role of resilience. To build resilience, climate, development, peacebuilding, and government actors would have to overcome bureaucratic and institutional barriers and cooperate across thematic and regional silos.     

The Promise of Wisconsin's 1999 Comprehensive Planning Law: Land-Use Policy Reforms to Support Active Living

Weaving together the disciplines of planning and policy change with the emerging research of active living, this article explores the competing interests and underlying political forces behind the design and passage of Wisconsin's Comprehensive Planning Law of 1999. While Wisconsin's law remains a work in progress, it illustrates the contemporary policy battles over land use and smart growth and the resurgence of the property-rights movement. It further highlights the influence of smart-growth coalitions and policy networks on planning reform. The authors suggest that planning practitioners and active-living proponents can adapt and transfer these policy lessons from Wisconsin to address the complex relationships of the built environment, physical activity, and the nation's current obesity problem through state and local planning reforms.     

Beyond Multilingualism: On Different Approaches to the Handling of Diverging Language Versions of a Community Law

This article deals with a problem created by the EU's multilingualism, the fallibility of translators and the ruses of politicians: for different reasons, it is quite common that equally authentic language versions of a Community law have different meanings if taken on their own. While the ECJ's uniform interpretation approach to this problem, which must be seen as required under the non-discrimination principle, has permitted equitable results in those cases decided by the ECJ, it would not be adequate for the simplest type of case, ie that a citizen has every reason to trust her own language version of a law. In such a case, her legitimate expectations in the equal authenticity of that version requires protection. De lege lata the article therefore proposes, in the interest of generally equitable solutions, a balancing, in the individual case, of the protection of legitimate expectations and the non-discrimination principle. De lege ferenda it proposes a more radical solution, ie that there be only one authentic version of every Community law.     

Ideology and Polarization Among Women State Legislators

In early work on women in Congress, scholars consistently identified a tendency among women legislators to be more liberal roll‐call voters than male copartisans. Recent changes in Congress point to the polarization of women, where Democratic women remain more liberal than Democratic men but Republican women are no different from, or more conservative than, Republican men. We use newly available state legislative roll‐call data to determine whether women state legislators are more liberal or polarized than male copartisans. We find that while Democratic women state legislators remain consistently more liberal than male copartisans in most state chambers, Republican women legislators are growing more conservative. Thus, women state legislators are increasingly polarized in most U.S. states. Legislator replacement and increasing polarization among state legislators in office contribute to this effect. We argue that polarization among women legislators has implications for the representation of women in the states.