Slovenes: “a nation of owners of one of the three original European languages?”

The Slovene national movement of the late nineteenth century was based primarily on the myth of an eternal linguistic community, an essentialist position within historiography. The national development itself best fits into patterns described by Hroch and Gellner. Although most objective conditions for national constitution were met by 1929, it is not clear if subjective ones had been met by that time. World War II revitalized the nation-constitution process, particularly by warring Communist- and Catholic-supported political and military factions, both claiming to fight for a Slovene identity, while Communists also claimed to be fighting for a “Greater” (Megali) Slovenia. With the war’s end, and Slovenia becoming a Yugoslav republic and expanding geographically, there was no doubt of a Slovene national identity, as understood by Connor, among the general population. However, important developments followed in nation-constitution after 1945, particularly upon gaining independence in 1991. The process need not be considered completed. Slovenes may be considered leaning towards a cultural type nation, with a cultural nucleus in an essentialist understanding of the Slovene language.     

Y chromosomal short tandem repeat (STR) loci in a representative group of males living in South Württemberg: a database for application in forensic medicine

In this study, we resolved the allelic distribution of three Y chromosomal short tandem repeats (STRs), DYS19 (n=218), DYS390 (n=257) and DYS393 (n=215), in a population study of 257 unrelated men living in the area of South Wüerttemberg/Hohenzollern. In DYS19 and in DYS393, five different alleles were discovered, and in DYS390, six different alleles. Forty-nine different haplotypes were found in 202 unrelated male individuals. By investigating each of the three STR systems separately, the most powerful results were found in DYS390, with a PE (power of exclusion) of 0.74, followed by DYS19 (PE: 0.65) and DYS393 (PE: 0.47). Using a combination of two systems (n=202), the PEs ranged from 0.79 (DYS19 and DYS393) to 0.89 (DYS19 and DYS390). The combination of all three STR systems revealed a PE of 0.93.     

Of citizens and plebeians: Postnational political figures in Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Rancière

This paper focuses on Habermas's notion of cosmopolitan democracy. Reconfiguring the basic ideas of democracy in postnational terms is inevitable if social and political integration is to succeed on a supranational level. In exploring Habermas's ideas, we draw on Rancière, whose thought stands in a complex relationship to Habermas. On the one hand, Rancière largely shares Habermas's diagnosis of the present. Both bemoan the erosion of the political caused by post‐democracy and censure the rise of right‐wing extremism in Western societies. On the other hand, and in contrast to Habermas, Rancière holds that these problems should be addressed not primarily by strengthening political institutions and reaching a consensus between conflicting parties, but by rethinking conflict and resistance. We show that Habermas's and Rancière's propositions can be productively brought in dialogue by focusing on the paradigmatic types of political subjectivity involved in their accounts: the citizen (Habermas) and the plebeian (Rancière).     

Freedom and innovation: a country and state level analysis

Research underlines the importance of socio-cultural factors when establishing a supportive environment for innovation and entrepreneurship growth. Scholars discuss different aspects, ranging from cultural attitudes and religious norms, to aspects of tolerance and social freedom. Following on research tradition, this paper analyzes the freedom-innovation relationship using a hand collected data set of 57 countries and the 50 U.S. states over a 3 year period. We argue and test whether the slope of the freedom-innovation link is shaped by and trades-off the costs and benefits of either weak or strong social ties within a country. Our empirical findings support a positive relationship between the freedom-innovativeness-slope, but not a negative or inverted U-shaped relationship.     

‘They do not help,only demoralize’: peasant nachalniks and the last imperial Russian reform on the Kazakh Steppe, 1902–1917

ABSTRACT

This article studies an early-twentieth-century reform in local administration on the Kazakh Steppe. It was catalyzed by the massive in-migration of peasant settlers from European Russia, which required fundamentally new administrative forms and institutional decisions from the state. In 1902 the Russian Empire extended the Temporary Regulation on Peasant Nachalniks, which was previously law only in Siberia, to the steppe oblasts of Akmola, Turgai, Semipalatinsk and Uralsk. In examining discussions surrounding the implementation of the new law, this article uncovers the complexity and ambiguities of the decisions that were made, the problems the new law faced, and the wide array of participants in enacting it. The article also compiles a socio-cultural portrait of the peasant nachalniks and the activities they undertook. Finally, it addresses how the Kazakh population perceived these new officials, and how they interacted with representatives of the Kazakh administration, which was crucial to their effectiveness.     

Fiscal Policy,Deficits and Politics of Subnational Governments: The Case of the German Laender

The first part of the paper briefly describesinstitutional aspects of the German federal system andexamines the economic and fiscal performance of theGerman Laender since 1970. Taking into account theinstitutional settings, especially the fact that theGerman Laender cannot set tax rates individually, wedevelop a highly stylized model of subnationalgovernments that do not have access to the tax rateinstrument and thus have to use expenditures as apolicy variable. The model implies an expendituresmoothing policy of subnational governments andcomplements the famous tax smoothing model. Theempirical section examines whether governments ofvarious ideology show significant differences infiscal stabilization policy. Our results indicatethat regional differences in public debt accumulationand public expenditure policy in general is largelydetermined by interregional differences in economicperformance, whereas we do not find any significantimpact on the ideological composition of the Laendergovernments.     

Electrocution and the Tar Heel state: The advent and demise of a southern sanction

During the latter decade of the nineteenth century and early decades of the twentieth century, adoption of the electric chair spread rapidly from the North, down the eastern seaboard, and throughout the Deep South States. The method of execution was hailed as technologically advanced, and proved to be the most prevalent means of execution in the twentieth century. In 1909, North Carolina became the sixth state in the nation to adopt the new method, which would later stand as a cultural icon of southern punishment. In 1935, the state oddly abandoned the method, and shifted to lethal gas, a method that until that time had only been employed in a few western states. While North Carolina’s violent crime rates and yearly executions rivaled those of the Deep South during the 1920s and 1930s, the state’s political and social climate would directly lead to the demise of a cultural artifact that became synonymous with the institution of southern justice.