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1.
Attila Tasnádi 《Public Choice》2008,134(3-4):293-305
The Hungarian mixed-member electoral system, adopted in 1989, is one of the world’s most complicated electoral systems, and, as this paper demonstrates, it suffers from the “population paradox.” In particular, the governing coalition may lose as many as 8 seats either by getting more votes or by the opposition obtaining fewer votes on each territorial list. 相似文献
2.
Andreola S Gentile G Battistini A Cattaneo C Zoja R 《Journal of forensic sciences》2011,56(3):771-774
Demonstration of the presence of lead residues deriving from gunshot in skin and underlying tissues is essential for the correct forensic analysis of numerous legal cases. Optical microscopy remains the fastest, cheapest diagnostic technique, even though its sensitivity and specificity are poor because of the scarce quantity of histological tissue that can be examined and possible environmental lead pollution. To confirm the presence of lead from gunshot residues, we applied to histological sections of human skin a technique proposed by Owens and George in 1991 for macroscopic detection of lead on the clothing of shooting victims, involving a reaction with sodium rhodizonate and subsequent confirmation by color change on application of HCl. Our results demonstrate the technical possibility of using this macroscopic technique even on histological samples and support the need for further studies on a larger series of cases correlated with the type of ammunition and firing distance. 相似文献
3.
Demonstration of a gastric bioptic specimen mix-up by laser capture microdissection (LCM) and DNA fingerprinting 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Vecchiotti C Spaltro G Bloise D Brunetti E Sciacchitano S 《The American journal of forensic medicine and pathology》2004,25(2):113-116
We demonstrate here the successful use of laser capture microdissection (LCM) and DNA fingerprinting in the identification of a case of gastric bioptic specimen mix-up. A 70-year-old man, suffering from chronic atrophic gastritis, underwent to a gastric biopsy and received a diagnosis of gastric cancer. In the absence of any clinical evidence of gastric cancer, a specimen mix-up was suspected. LCM was used to retrieve gastric cells from the histologic slide, classified as gastric carcinoma, and suspected to be mislabelled. DNA was extracted from microdissected cells, and a total of 16 different genetic loci were analyzed, using an identity test. Comparison of the results with those obtained using DNA extracted from a control slide, and from patient's saliva, demonstrated a distinct DNA fingerprint pattern in all genetic markers examined, clearly indicating the occurrence of a specimen mix-up. The combined use of LCM and DNA fingerprinting represents the most accurate and sophisticated method available for the identification of specimen mix-up, especially when only the tissue on the suspected slide is available. 相似文献
4.
5.
Angela Pennisi di Floristella 《The Pacific Review》2016,29(2):283-305
Over the past two decades, natural disasters have severely hit the Southeast Asian region causing dramatic environmental, economic and social consequences. Through the lens of Beck's risk society framework and the theory of reflexive modernization, this article attempts at empirically taking stock of how the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is addressing disaster risk through the creation of new regional institutions and mechanisms. In particular, it argues that the accumulation of the experience of catastrophes is leading ASEAN members towards the development of new precautionary initiatives to deal with disasters, and to forge a new way forward for the promotion of disaster cooperation and joint emergency response. The article is divided into five sections, which will only consider initiatives endorsed within the ASEAN framework. The first introduces risk societies as forms of modern societies and of the insecurities of the present world. In the second section attention is drawn to natural disasters as a paradigmatic example of Beck's risk society. The third section explores how ASEAN normative governance is evolving to include the issue of disaster management within its security and social agenda. Then the main institutional and operational innovations and tools through which ASEAN is preparing to deal with disaster risk are explored. Finally, the article suggests that despite ASEAN overall institutional innovations, the practice of cooperation still is effected by several factors, above all the lack of adequate resources and the difficulty of reconciling principles of solidarity with national sovereignty, which hinder ASEAN effectiveness in this area. 相似文献
6.
“记者比法官有用─天下没有新闻媒介断不了的官司。”这种现象已对法官的威信、法律的威严造成了较大的负面影响。本文针对这种现象形成的原因及其利弊效果作了较为全面深入的分析,并力图端正认识,正确地估计评价新闻舆论监督的作用。 相似文献
7.
China's economic success has prompted both academic political economists and applied policy analysts to speculate about the implications of a new ‘China model’ of economic development and global economic governance. A particular issue is the degree to which the China model involves developing in opposition to or in cooperation with the pre‐existing norms of global economic governance. Recognizing the ambiguity of the China model, we consider two alternative interpretations of China's role in global economic governance: China Challenge (CC) and Business as Usual (BaU). We flesh out these contrasting interpretations using evidence from the lending behavior of four major development finance institutions in which China plays a leading or determinative role: the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the New Development Bank (NDB), the Silk Road Fund (SRF), and the China‐Africa Development Fund (CADF) of the China Development Bank. We find that (at least in the restricted domain of international development finance) China's role in global economic governance is largely characterized by BaU behavior, and although on a regional level this does represent a challenge to the historical role of Japan, it nonetheless suggests that the China model is not so revolutionary as many analysts suppose. 相似文献
8.
Die jüngere Forschung zum sozialen Handeln von Muslimen in westeuropäischen Einwanderungsländern hebt häufig die reflexive Individualisierung von Lebensformen und religiösen Gesinnungen vor allem junger Muslime hervor. Der folgende Beitrag hinterfragt die diesem Ansatz zugrunde liegende Annahme eines Wertekanons ziviler europäischer Gesellschaften und Öffentlichkeiten, in die sich in Europa sozialisierte junge Muslime vermeintlich einfügen und muslimische Identitäten ?europäisch“ rekonstruieren. Dieser Transformationsprozess wird in diesen Theorien sowohl im Hinblick auf die familiale Lebenswelt wie im Hinblick auf die öffentliche Sphäre, in denen Muslime agieren, unterschätzt. Im Rückgriff auf Ansätze der historisch-vergleichenden Soziologie und der Religionsanthropologie erarbeitet der Aufsatz zunächst einen Begriff von ?Tradition“, der die Konstituierung, Verwaltung und Transformation von religiösen Diskursen, Praxen und Subjekten diachronisch und transgenerationell erklärt und der Gleichzeitigkeit von sozialer Einbettung und diskursiver Autonomie von Tradition Rechnung trägt. Wir zeigen, dass die sozialen Praktiken von Muslimen in Europa eine Transformation erfahren, die ihre besondere Grundlage im muslimischen Reformdiskurs im kolonialen und postkolonialen Kontext mehrerer Zentren der islamischen Welt hat. Der Fall junger Kopftuch tragender Musliminnen in Deutschland und Frankreich, die der zweiten und dritten Migrantengeneration angehören, zeigt schließlich weder eine selbst-reflexive Identitätssuche noch das ?coming out“ der Heldinnen einer nicht-westlichen Modernität, sondern ein praxisorientiertes und wissensgestütztes Räsonieren der jungen Frauen über die Wiedereinbettung des Traditionsdiskurses in die sozialen Felder (Familie, Studium, Arbeit und islamische Vereine), in denen sie operieren. Ihr Streben, das von der Traditionsdynamik der Kohärenzsuche geleitet wird, konfiguriert eine ?Alltagspolitik“, in der die Frauen ihre islamisch inspirierten Lebensprojekte gleichzeitig von moralisch erstarrten familiären ?Lebenswelten“ und von normativ erstarrten politischen Öffentlichkeiten abkoppeln und kultivieren. 相似文献
9.
This article aims to analyze the relationship between judicial activism against political corruption and electoral accountability. The judiciary plays a pivotal role in enforcing anti-corruption legislation, and, in many countries, courts have moved closer and closer towards that kind of working. In the article, we analyze the conditions under which a judicial prosecution of corrupt practices can also lead to electoral punishment of political misconducts by voters, or to a failure of accountability mechanisms. The latter outcome is more likely to occur if judicial activism is politicized. The ‘politicization’ of anti-corruption initiatives is here defined as an increase in the polarization of opinions, interests, or values about judicial investigations and the extent to which this polarization is strategically advanced towards the political debate by parties, political leaders, and media. By crystallizing a new dimension of political conflict, political actors can negatively affect electoral accountability, diminishing the risk of electoral punishment. We study this phenomenon by analyzing the case of Italy, a country which has experienced high levels of politicization of anti-corruption. However, whether and to what extent anti-corruption policies can be politicized is a question open for many other countries that can take a similar path. 相似文献
10.