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Rao Muhammad Rashid Qurat ul Ain Rashid Muhammad Asim Nawaz Sadia Akhtar 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2019,19(4)
The basic purpose of this study was to investigate the role of exposure and past experience on consumers' brand perception, as mediated by three variables (perceived quality, brand recall, and satisfaction) and moderated by mianzi. Using data collected from a survey of 331 customers, brand perception models for two diverse kinds of products (high and low involvement) were tested. SmartPLS structural equation modeling was applied to produce models for both types of products. Exposure and experience significantly influences brand perception in different product categories, which suggests that customers perceive both high and low involvement. Our study also established that mianzi has a significant moderating role in high‐involvement product category. Ultimately, the findings suggest significant differences in the brand perception of product types with respect to mianzi and the mediational role of perceived quality and satisfaction, providing a structure for future research on brand perception. 相似文献
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Akhtar Muhammad Yusheng Kong Haris Muhammad Ain Qurat Ul Javaid Hafiz Mustansar 《Economic Change and Restructuring》2022,55(2):737-774
Economic Change and Restructuring - The purpose of this study was to measure the impact of financial leverage on the performance of 424 Pakistani nonfinancial listed companies over the... 相似文献
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Zia Akhtar 《Liverpool Law Review》2012,33(2):133-158
In the UK the foreign national prisoners who have breached immigration rules suffer deprivations from which the ordinary citizens are exempt. Their subjection to prison regimes often on pain of deportation leads to psychological illnesses that cause them long term damage. The deportation regime that arises by default under the Border and Immigration Act 2007 has made it difficult to avoid prison for the breach of immigration rules. The research published by NACRO shows that it can lead to trauma because there is duress accompanied by an uncertainty of fate. The decision by the Court of Appeal in R (Medical Justice) v Secretary of State for the Home Office (2011) has brought this issue of deporting ill patients into the limelight. There are expert reports that reveal that those foreign nationals who are refused permission to stay are at risk from psychiatric illnesses when they are detained. The findings are that the mental illnesses are particularly severe in the most vulnerable prisoners who develop symptoms of long term mental disease. It is critical for the medical professionals to consider their involvement at an early stage when they will be able to supervise and diagnose illness before there is damage. This is particularly the case as the NHS treatment is denied to prisoners who are foreign nationals which is makes it necessary to implement a strategy with local agencies to prevent the onset of debilitating illnesses. 相似文献
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Robert Sharpe Birgit Völlm Amina Akhtar Ramneesh Puri 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2016,27(4):459-475
In England and Wales, prisoners with mental disorder of such severity as to warrant inpatient treatment may be transferred to hospital under the Mental Health Act. UK Government guidance recommends that this process should be completed within 14 days; however, evidence suggests that in many cases it can take much longer. This retrospective service evaluation of 64 male prisoners, who were transferred under Section 47 or Section 48, aimed to evaluate transfer durations. The mean time from referral to admission was 76 days. Prisoners with a psychotic disorder were admitted more quickly. Remand prisoners were admitted more quickly than sentenced prisoners. Findings suggest that, in the UK the transfer time of prisoners under Sections 47 and 48 of the Mental Health Act continues to far exceed the 14-day target which raises concern about equivalence of care for prisoners. Our findings support arguments for fundamental amendments to the admissions process. 相似文献
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Akhand Akhtar Hossain 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2020,28(1):13-31
ABSTRACTThis paper offers a critical analysis of creeping authoritarianism in Bangladesh’s culture and politics. Political events since the 1940s that have shaped the presently unstable state of Bangladesh’s society are interpreted specifically in terms of their cultural and political significance. One important aspect of this unstable political state is the ongoing search for Bangladeshi national identity. Accordingly, the paper seeks to answer the questions of why and how the present sociocultural and political divisions in Bangladesh have emerged from the fundamental debate over whether (1) Bengali ethnicity, language, culture, and secularism, (2) Muslim nationalism or (3) a combination of both should become the marker of Bangladesh’s national identity to secure social and political stability. Furthermore, recent social, religious and political developments across the Muslim world suggest that attempts to introduce ultra-secularism in some Muslim-majority countries since the 1950s have led to authoritarianism, a movement which has ultimately ended or will soon end through popular Islamic upsurges. Bangladesh seems to be moving toward such social and political change, as the people have become restless in their desire to remove creeping authoritarian, the mark of a repressive regime that has emerged since the early 1970s. The key lesson that can be drawn from the extant literature on this issue in the context of Bangladesh is that the extreme form of secularism or ultra-secularism, which the present ruling Awami League and its left-communist allies continue to advance and impose from above, is neither desirable nor acceptable to Bangladeshi Muslims whilst there is clear movement away from ultra-secularism by other Muslim-majority countries. This paper draws the conclusion that since neither assertive secularism nor theocratic Islamism can flourish in Bangladesh, a competitive democratic political order that accommodates aspects of both secularism and Islamic ethical-moral codes could be a feasible model for the achievement of social, cultural and political stability that is so fundamental to the promotion of steady economic growth and social justice. 相似文献
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Sadia Akhtar Kashif Ullah Khan Shah Hassan Muhammad Irfan Fouzia Atlas 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2019,19(2)
Higher education requires best leaders and collaborative environment to stimulate staff and student because of facing more challenges and to make the educational institutions remain relevant in a competitive global context. Considering the fruitful academic outcome, ideal leadership style and collaborative work are essential among teachers and students. Therefore, an empirical study was performed to investigate the effect of transformational leadership and team communication on task performance. The proposed model was verified by quantitative study to clarify the complex relationship between predicators and outcomes. Research data were collected from a sample of 273 master students from the University of Science and Technology of China. The collected data were examined through partial least square analysis technique. The results suggested that team perception of transformation leadership has positive effect on team communication and team trust to measure high task performance. In addition, team communication has positive effect on team trust, whereas team trust has a significant effect on team creativity, which enhances the task performance. 相似文献
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This essay highlights the change in altitude, among the Indianruling elite, in no longer treating states' reorganization asthe emergence of parochial identities. Different regions establishedtheir identity on the basis of language, culture, administrativecoherence, economic development, or lack of it. Gradually, ithas been recognized that the reorganization of states leadsto good governance if such reorganization stems from administrativeconvenience, economic viability, similarity in developmentalneeds of a subregion, and cultural-linguistic affinity. 相似文献
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Akhand Akhtar Hossain 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(3):366-396
This paper develops the theme that the ongoing political polarization and political crisis in Bangladesh since its independence from Pakistan in 1971 reflect the fundamental weaknesses of the pillars of Bangladeshi society and national identity. The paper adopts an historical approach to explain why and how Muslim nationalism, which was the basis for the establishment of Pakistan, has re-emerged in contemporary Bangladeshi society and politics and is competing against Bengali ethnicity, language, culture and secularism (‘Bengali nationalism’) within an emerging ‘two-party’ political system. However, instead of establishing a stable political system following the Hotelling–Downs principle of democracy, the Bangladeshi society/polity has been polarized and divided almost vertically on the question of national identity and political philosophy and created sustained political instability and uncertainty. This has stifled the formation and consolidation of a national identity based on ethnicity/language/culture or religion/territory/political history or that have elements of both. Neither ethnicity/language/culture/secularism-based nationalism (Bengali nationalism) nor predominantly Muslim-territorial nationalism (‘Bangladeshi nationalism’) alone can dominate and flourish in Bangladeshi society and polity; instead, the objective conditions in the country dictate that a competitive democratic system of politics which accommodates aspects of secularism, language, Muslim identity and Islamic ethical–moral codes remains the feasible political discourse for forming and consolidating the country's multi-racial, multi-religious national identity over the long run and its survival as a sovereign state. 相似文献